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Harsh Kapoor
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Tue Sep 25 05:55:32 IST 2001
(Middle East Report 219, Summer 2001)
Iranian Cinema
Art, Society and the State
Ziba Mir-Hosseini
(Ziba Mir-Hosseini, a freelance anthropologist, researcher and
filmmaker, is a research associate at the Centre for Near and Middle
Eastern Studies, SOAS, in London.)
Still from Rakhshan Bani-EtemadiÕs Lady of May.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Following the Iranian revolution of 1979 and the inauguration of the
Islamic Republic, many predicted that new restrictions would kill off
Iran's cinema. But Iranian film has survived, undergoing remarkable
transformations in parallel with the wider changes in Iranian culture
and society. Today, Iranian cinema is recognized as one of the most
innovative and exciting in the world, and films from Iranian
directors are being screened to increasing acclaim at international
festivals. The key to resolving the apparent contradiction between
Iran's repressive image and the renaissance of Iranian cinema is to
understand the relationship that developed between art, society and
the state after the Islamic revolution.
The popular nature of the revolution, and the factionalism within the
Islamic Republic, gave the public and artists an opportunity to
engage the state in extended processes of negotiation, protest,
cooperation and defiance. Contrary to prevalent views, the principal
contenders do not fall neatly into opposing camps, with the state on
the one side and artistic community on the other.(1) Rather, most
filmmakers, helped by liberal segments of the government, have
exploited divisions in the regime to confront the cultural
conservatives and the segment of the state apparatus under their
control. Women and romantic love -- time-honored themes of Iranian
film -- became the main focus of this confrontation. Soon after the
revolution, women and love were forced into the strait jacket of
strict interpretations of feqh (Islamic jurisprudence), which allowed
little room for social realities like feelings between boys and
girls. With the imposition of hejab (the Islamic dress code) and
sexual segregation, the public presence of women and the expression
of romantic love became highly restricted. For a decade, Iranian
filmgoers could hardly see women and love depicted on screen. The
subsequent story of Iranian cinema parallels other post-revolutionary
developments in Iranian society: a constant stretching of the limits
imposed by feqh-based ideology.
Art of Ambiguity
Before the 1979 revolution, the clerics in Iran rejected cinema, or
at best ignored it. Films were among the forms of art considered
forbidden (haram), and for many pious families going to the cinema
was tantamount to committing a sin. The main reason for this was that
cinematic representations of women and love upset the delicate
dualism which had long attended these topics in Iranian culture. Love
has always been the main theme in Persian poetry, but it is seldom
clear whether the writer is talking about divine or earthly love, or
(given the absence of grammatical gender in Persian) whether the
"beloved" is male or female. Both the Persian language and the poetic
form have allowed writers to maintain and even work with these
ambiguities. The art of ambiguity (iham), perfected in the work of
classical poets such as Hafez, has spoken to generations of Iranians,
including the present one. But such ambiguity cannot be sustained in
the performative and graphic arts, where both the language and the
form demand greater transparency and directness in the depiction of
women and love. Among the traditional solutions adopted for this
problem were the complete elimination of women, as in ta'ziyeh, the
religious passion plays, where women's roles have always been played
by men,(2) or idealized and unrealistic representations, such as the
"neuter" figures depicted in paintings of the early Qajar period,
which were embodiments of how the "beloved" was described in
classical poetry.(3) By the late nineteenth century, with the advent
of photography, the representation of women had become more
realistic. The drive for "modernization" under Reza Shah, and the
corresponding takeoff of cinema as public entertainment in Iran,
reinforced this tendency. Not only had Iranian women's public roles
and status changed, but women and love stories were integral to the
film industry from the start.(4)
The nascent Islamic Republic was thus faced with a dilemma. Aware of
cinema's power, the Islamic authorities could neither reject nor
ignore the medium as the clerics had done before. On the other hand,
feqh had nothing to say about film, apart from imposing its rules of
halal and haram on cinematic images and themes. Khomeini's regime
made a concerted attempt to bring cinema under the domination of
state ideology and subject it to a process of Islamization. But the
Islamization process has failed, as filmmakers, like other artists,
have gradually managed to free their art from feqh injunctions and
state ideology.
Trying to Islamize Art
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Still from Rakhshan Bani-EtemadiÕs Nargess.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
The three phases of the relationship between cinema and the state
correspond to socio-political phases of the Islamic Republic. The
first phase, now referred to as the First Republic, lasted for a
decade, beginning with the creation of the Islamic state. "Liberals"
and "moderates" confronted "radicals" and "militants"; the latter,
supported by Ayatollah Khomeini, won the struggle to control the
post-revolutionary state, and excluded the former from power. This
first phase, dominated by the Iran-Iraq war (1980-88), saw the
ascendance and almost undisputed power of feqh-based Islam and the
suppression of reformist and modernist visions of Islam. Attempting
to bring culture and art under its control, the regime created the
Committee for Cultural Revolution.(5) The Ministry of Culture and Art
became the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance (MCIG), with a
mandate to Islamize all kinds of art and cultural activities.
Through its various organizations, the regime promoted the creation
of a distinctively Islamic cinema in the early 1980s. In those years
no quality film was produced, (6)and women and love were almost
totally absent from the screen, though women were present behind the
camera, even working as directors.(7) In the absence of women, love
and human emotions could be channeled through children, so stories
based on children dominated the screen.(8) In the mid-1980s, the grip
of feqh-based ideology gradually loosened, and a period of
qualitative growth started. Iranian cinema started to attract
international attention once again.
Toward the end of the first phase, Islamic intellectuals and artists
such as Abdolkarim Soroush and Mohsen Makhmalbaf -- disillusioned
with the policies of the Islamic Republic -- began to voice
objections to the regime's feqh-based Islam. There are parallels
between the emergent "new religious thinking" of Soroush and the new
cinema associated with Makhmalbaf. For Soroush, religion is "bigger
than ideology." (9) For Makhmalbaf, the same is true of art: art can
free an artist and it cannot be contained in a strait jacket of
ideology.(10)
New Round of Factionalism
The end of the war with Iraq in 1988 and Ayatollah Khomeini's death
in 1989 brought about a shift in the power structure. With Ayatollah
Ali Khamene'i as Supreme Leader and Ali Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani as
president, a new phase started, referred to as "reconstruction" and
marked by an increased tension between the different visions of Islam
and between the two ruling factions within the Islamic Republic: the
so-called "rightists" and "leftists." The strategic alliance of
"radicals" and "militants" within each of these two factions now
started to break down. The leftists, who had dominated under
Khomeini, now gradually lost their ministers from government, their
parliamentary representatives and their influence in the judiciary.
This new round of factionalism focused on art and culture. The notion
of "cultural revolution" gave way to that of "cultural invasion,"
which became the right's ideological tool for discrediting and
eliminating the "enemy within" -- their leftist opponents. These
included some of the early militants and radicals, who were gradually
breaking away from absolutist ideologies, and were developing a more
moderate and liberal outlook. This group was later joined by some of
the "moderates" and "liberals" (now referred to as "religious
nationalists," melli-mazhabi) and secularists (the "different
thinkers," digar-andishan) whom the radicals had overcome in the
early years of the revolution. Together they became the backbone of
the reformist movement that emerged in 1997.
The rightist faction concentrated its attacks on the MCIG. Mohammad
Khatami, the minister since 1982, had laid the foundation for the
growth of a domestic cinema and an independent press as part of his
general contribution to the development of open cultural
policies.(11) The Farabi Cinema Foundation, a semi-governmental
organization, put a partial ban on the import of foreign films and
provided financial support for filmmakers. At first Rafsanjani sided
with Khatami, but since cultural development was not among his
priorities, he abandoned him and Khatami had to resign in 1992. By
then the rightist faction enjoyed the support of the Leader, and its
hold on power was almost complete. This meant the end of the open
cultural policies of the late 1980s, and a renewed attempt by the
rightists -- dominated by conservative clerics -- to impose their
vision of feqh-based Islam on cultural and artistic production.
Cinema as Social Critique
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Iranian film director Tahmineh Milani in Tehran. (Mohammad Sayyad/AP Photo)
------------------------------------------------------------------------
But it was too late. The old taboo topics of women and love had
already come out of the shadows. Mohsen Makhmalbaf's film A Time to
Love (1991) marked the beginning of a new approach. It dealt with the
forbidden subject of a love triangle (one woman, two men), and the
relativity of human conditions and judgments. A Time to Love was
shocking, not only because it revealed a change of position by a
filmmaker committed to Islam, but also because he chose such a
sensitive storyline -- a tale of romantic love -- to convey his
message. Shot in Turkey, the film was shown in Iran only at the Fajr
Festival, not in public cinemas, though it was passionately debated
in the press for some time. During this phase, women film directors
broke away from the male vision and started to produce films dealing
clearly with female characters and love. Notable among them is
Nargess by Rakhshan Bani-Etemad (1992), another love triangle story
(two women and one man), which won the main 1992 Fajr Festival
award.(12)
In the absence of a free press, cinema came to provide a kind of
social critique. Its favorable critical reception meant that it also
reached outside audiences, putting it in a unique position as the
alternative face of Iran to the world. The conservative policies of
the rightist faction, which now controlled the MCIG, politicized the
filmmakers. During the 1997 presidential election, for the first time
filmmakers made their implicit political tendencies explicit. Almost
the entire cinematic community came out in support of Mohammad
Khatami. His campaign commercial was produced by filmmaker Seifollah
Dad, and a number of other filmmakers spoke in support of his
candidacy.
Medium for Reconciliation
With Khatami's unexpected election, the MCIG was freed from the
control of those (now called "conservatives") who still adhere to a
feqh-based definition of social reality, and came under the control
of "reformists" who advocate more tolerant cultural polices. This new
phase -- a "Third Republic" -- has brought a breakthrough for Iranian
film, with women and love publicly rehabilitated in releases like
Tahmineh Milani's Two Women (1998) or Bani-Etemad's Lady of May
(1998). One feature of this phase is the emergence of younger voices
demanding personal freedom and questioning the whole notion of
feqh-based gender relations. These voices are heard in films that
deal openly and critically with gender roles and have love as their
main theme. Meanwhile, international acclaim for Iranian cinema in
the 1990s has helped the Iranian diaspora to renegotiate their
relationships with the land they left. For many Iranians living
abroad, film was the only thing coming from Iran of which they were
not ashamed.
This new phase is still unfolding, and it is too early to say
anything definite about its direction.(13) What is certain is that
the marriage between art and ideology has proved to be as problematic
in Iran as that between religion and politics. Today Iran is in a
transition from theocracy to democracy. The radical discourse
dominant in the 1980s has been challenged by a more pluralistic one,
which is forging a more tolerant political atmosphere. Cinema -- like
other cultural and artistic products -- has come to play a central
role in this transition. Not only does it continue to provide a new
social critique, it has also become a medium for reconciliation
between Iranians inside and outside the country.
Endnotes
1 Sussan Siavoshi, "Cultural Policies and the Islamic Republic:
Cinema and Book Publication," International Journal of Middle East
Studies 29 (1997), p. 509.
2 Peter Chelkowski, ed., Ta'ziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran (New
York: New York University Press, 1979).
3 Afsaneh Najmabadi, "Reading for Gender through Qajar Paintings," in
Layla Diba, ed., Royal Persian Paintings: The Qajar Epoch, 1785-1925
(London: I. B. Tauris, 1999).
4 The first Iranian talkie, The Lur Girl (Ardeshir Irani, 1933), was
a love story with a woman in the leading role.
5 The Committee's task was to Islamize universities, which basically
meant purging teachers and students who did not conform to the
state's ideology. In an interview, Abdolkarim Soroush has openly
talked about the early activities of this committee, and the disputes
and confusion in its ideology. The interview is posted at:
http://www.seraj.org/far1.htm and http://www.seraj.org/cultural.htm.
6 Amir Naderi's The Runner was an isolated case. See Houshang
Golmakani, "A History of the Post-Revolutionary Iranian Cinema,"
Chicago Film Center's 10th Annual Festival of Films from Iran (1999),
http://www.webmemo.com/iran/articleview_2.cfm.
7 Hamid Naficy, "Veiled Vision/Powerful Presences: Women in
Post-Revolutionary Iranian Cinema," in Mahnaz Afkhami and Erika
Friedl, eds., In the Eye of Storm: Women in Post-Revolutionary Iran
(Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1994).
8 The best-known instances include Amir Naderi's The Runner (1984),
Bahram Beyzai's Bashu: The Little Stranger (1985) and Abbas
Kiarostami's Where Is the Friend's House (1987).
9 The title of one of his many books. See Ziba Mir-Hosseini, Islam
and Gender: The Religious Debate in Contemporary Iran (Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 1999), ch. 7.
10 See Lloyd Ridgeon, Makhmalbaf's Broken Mirror: The Socio-Political
Significance of Modern Iranian Cinema (Durham Middle East Paper No.
64, 2000); Hamid Dabashi, "Dead Certainties: The Early Makhmalbaf,"
in Richard Tapper, ed., The New Iranian Cinema: Politics,
Representation and Identity (London: I. B. Tauris, forthcoming).
11 For a discussion, see Siavoshi, pp. 516-19.
12 See Naficy, op cit., and Sheila Whitaker, "Rakhshan Bani-Etemad,"
in Rose Issa and Sheila Whitaker, eds., Life and Art: The New Iranian
Cinema (London: National Film Theatre, 1999).
13 Hamid Naficy, "Islamicizing Film Culture in Iran -- A Post-Khatami
Update," in Tapper, op cit.
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