[Reader-list] Albert: peace prospects
Boud Roukema
boud_roukema at camk.edu.pl
Wed Sep 26 18:01:19 IST 2001
Peace Movement Prospects
By Michael Albert
http://www.lbbs.org/peacepros.htm
September 11 went well beyond tragic. Worse is possible. Much
better is also possible. And to achieve better is why activists
need to not only mourn, but also to educate and organize. But many
people I encounter doubt peace movement prospects. I find this
wrong for two reasons.
One, doubting prospects wastes time. Even when prospects of change
are dim, to work for better outcomes is always better then to
bemoan difficulties.
Two, contrary to despondency, current circumstances auger hope.
'Are you crazy?' some people will ask. It is one thing to urge
action, but it is another thing to surrender reason to desire.
However, it is not desire that gives me hope, but evidence.
The answers to these questions are all important. In our world,
the only alternative to vigilantism is that guilt should be
determined by an amassing of evidence that is then assessed in
accordance with international law by the United Nations Security
Council or other appropriate international agencies.
Last night there was a two hour marathon Hollywood extravaganza
broadcast by all the major networks and watched by millions. There
was nearly no anger and no celebration of power. It was a
dignified event that respected the dead and appropriately
celebrated the courage of those who worked to save lives. The
evening's songs sought restraint and understanding. This event
occurred while elites seek lock-step obedience. Johnny and Jill
are supposed to be donning marching boots. Yet this was no pep
rally for war. Instead, the songs urged love and understanding and
explicitly rejected cycles of retribution and hate. Don't get me
wrong. The evening wasn't ZNet set to music. But nor did it
support piling terror on top of terror. If the right-wing rather
than saner heads and hearts were actually ascendant, then we would
have had the Bob Hope and Charlton Heston Hour, and we didn't.
More, in the last few days there have been scores of small and
also some quite large demonstrations and gatherings. Reports
indicate there are 105 scheduled today, Saturday. There is no war
yet. But there is resistance, and it is growing rapidly.
Just two days ago I was asked to be on a national radio call-in
show with a listenership of roughly two million from all over the
country. The host, a Republican, thought there would be division
emerging about any war plans and he wanted to offer diverse voices
(which is itself a good sign). He told me I'd be on for fifteen
minutes. The time came, they called, I was asked how I differed
from Bush. I answered, and the discussion continued for two hours.
The host eventually left hostility behind, becoming more and more
curious. Many callers were hostile, sure, but they were also open
to cogent commentary. The simple formulation that attacking
civilians is terrorism, that terrorism is horrible, and that
therefore we should not attack civilians, was irrefutable. More
interesting, no one even tried to rebut contextual argument and
evidence. They made clear they knew my claims about U.S. policies
in Iraq and elsewhere were true and they would with a few
exceptions even grudgingly assent to them, so the remaining issue
was whether the U.S. should be bound by the same morals that we
hope others will be bound by, a dispute that is easy to win with
anyone but a fanatic. I won't proceed with details. The point is,
even in a right-wing forum, many people will hear our views,
understand them, and even change their minds.
U.S. elites like war. War sends the message that laws do not bind
U.S. elites, that morality does not bind U.S. elites, that nothing
binds U.S. elites but their estimates of their own interests. It
trumpets that everybody else better ratify our plans, or at least
get out of the way. Likewise, for U.S. elites, war preparedness is
good economics. Military spending primes the capitalist pump and
spurs its engines, but crucially military spending doesn't give
those in the middle and at the bottom better conditions or better
housing or more education or better health care or anything else
that will make people less afraid, more knowledgeable, more
secure, and particularly more able to develop and pursue their own
agendas regarding economic distribution. War empowers the rich and
powerful, but its real virtue is that it disempowers working
people and the disenfranchised poor. War annihilates deliberation.
It elevates mainstream media to dominate communication even more
than in peacetime. War abets repression by demanding obedience. It
labels dissent treason, or in this case, incipient terrorism.
Elites like all this, not surprisingly. So while elites gravitate
toward a war on terrorism for these reasons, what, if anything,
might obstruct their plans?
When Bush says that attacking civilians for political purposes is
wrong and urges that we must find ways to eliminate such terrorism
- he is very compelling to almost everyone. But when in the very
next breath Bush urges as the method of doing so diverse military
attacks on civilians (or starving them), his hypocrisy begs
critique. As a solution to the danger of terrorism, committing
more terrorism that in turn breeds still more, will not sustain
support. Likewise, to fight fundamentalism with assertions that
God is on our side, will also prove uninspiring. Five-year-olds
can and will dissent. And so will adults.
So what obstructs war? People do. It's that simple. People who
first doubt the efficacy and morality of piling terror on top of
terror. People who slowly move from quiet dissent to active
opposition. People who move from opposing the violence of war and
barbarity of starvation to challenging the basic institutions that
breed war and starvation. If elites choose war as a national
program they will do so in hopes that it can defend and even
enlarge their advantages. If we act so that war instead spurs
public understanding, and opposition not only to war, but in time
even to elite rule - then elites will reconsider their agenda.
Indeed, I bet many are already having grave doubts.
So how hard is our task? What do most people think about this
situation, before activism has countered media madness? Well, it
certainly isn't definitive, but Gallup polls give us more reason
for hope.
First question: 'Once the identity of the terrorists known, should
the American government launch a military attack on the country or
countries where the terrorists are based or should the American
government seek to extradite the terrorists to stand trial'? In
Austria 10% said we should attack. In Denmark 20%, Finland 14%,
France 29%, Germany 17%, Greece 6%, Italy 21%, Bosnia 14%,
Bulgaria 19%, Czechoslavakia 22%, Croatia 8%, Estonia 10%, Latvia
21%, Lithuania 15% Romania 18%, Argentina 8%, Colombia 11%,
Ecuador 10%, Mexico 2%, Panama 16%, Peru 8%, Venezuela 11%, and
even in the U.S. only 54% favor attacking. Gallup didn't get
numbers for China, for the mideast countries, etc.
Gallup next asks: 'If the United States decides to launch an
attack, should the U.S. attack military targets only, or both
military and civilian targets?' In Austria 82% said only military
targets. In Denmark 84%, Finland 76%, France 84%, Germany 84%,
Greece 82%, Italy 86%, Bosnia 72%, Bulgaria 71%, Czechoslavakia
75%, Estonia 88%, Latvia 82%, Lithuania 73% Romania 85%, Argentina
70%, Colombia 71%, Ecuador 74%, Mexico 73%, Panama 62%, Peru 66%,
Venezuela 81%, and even in the U.S. 56% favor attacking only
military targets, 28% attacking both military and civilian, and
16% gave no answer.
It seems clear that we do not inhabit a world lined up for
protracted war. We live, instead, in a world that is prepared for
arguments against war, for opposition to war, and even, in time,
for addressing the basic structural causes that produce war.
Humanity does not lack scruples or logic, but only information and
knowledge. If people have information and if they can escape media
manipulation and conformity, they will draw worthy conclusions.
Our task is to provide information and help break conformity.
Finally, regarding the issues at hand?how hard is it to understand
the obvious? The U.S. postal system is not run by exemplary
humanitarians or geniuses, much less by radicals. Yet in response
to workers killing others on the job--which is called ?going
postal?--the postal service did not decide to determine where the
offending parties lived and attack those neighborhoods for
harboring terrorists. They also did not say that the stress of
postal work justifies serial homicide in the workplace, of course.
They instead legally prosecuted, on the one hand, and also
realized that stress was a powerful contributing factor and so
worked to reduce stress to in turn diminish the likelihood of
people going postal. Anyone can extend this analogy. It isn't
complicated.
For that matter, the U.S. government, which is certainly not a
repository of wisdom or moral leadership, doesn't generally decide
about terrorism to hold whole populations accountable. When
Timothy McVeigh bombed innocents, the Federal government called it
horrific, accurately, but did not declare war on Idaho and Montana
for harboring cells of the groups McVeigh was associated with --
much less on all people sharing McVeigh's race or religion. The
government opted to prove McVeigh's culpability and to employ
legal means to restrain him and try the case. What makes September
11 different regarding our government's agenda is not so much the
larger scale of the horror, but instead its utility to the
government's reactionary programs. In the case of McVeigh, bombing
Montana wouldn't benefit elites. In the case of September 11,
elites think bombing diverse targets will benefit their capitalist
profit-making and geopolitical interests. That's harsh. That's
about the harshest thing one could say, I guess, in some sense, in
this situation. It is devilish opportunism. Yet, I honestly think
that at some level everyone knows it's true. It has gotten to that
point in this country. They play with our lives like we are their
little toys - and we know it, and we have to put a stop to it, a
step at a time.
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