[Reader-list] Emerging Alternatives in Palestine
Bhrigu
bhrigu at sarai.net
Sat Jan 19 06:21:35 IST 2002
Emerging alternatives in Palestine
by Edward Said
Since it began 15 months ago the Palestinian Intifada has had little to show
for itself politically, despite the remarkable fortitude of a militarily
occupied, unarmed, poorly led, and still dispossessed people that has defied
the pitiless ravages of Israel's war machine. In the United States, the
government and, with a handful of exceptions, the "independent" media have
echoed each other in harping on Palestinian violence and terror, with no
attention at all paid to the 35-year Israeli military occupation, the
longest in modern history: as a result, American official condemnations of
Yasser Arafat's Authority after 11 September as harbouring and even
sponsoring terrorism have coldly reinforced the Sharon government's
preposterous claim that Israel is the victim, the Palestinians the
aggressors in the four- decade war that the Israeli army has waged against
civilians, property and institutions without mercy or discrimination. The
result today is that the Palestinians are locked up in 220 ghettos
controlled by the army; American-supplied Apache helicopters, Merkava tanks,
and F-16s mow down people, houses, olive groves and fields on a daily basis;
schools and universities as well as businesses and civil institutions are
totally disrupted; hundreds of innocent civilians have been killed and tens
of thousands injured; Israel's assassinations of Palestinian leaders
continue; unemployment and poverty stand at about 50 per cent -- and all
this while General Anthony Zinni drones on about Palestinian "violence" to
the wretched Arafat, who can't even leave his office in Ramallah because he
is imprisoned there by Israeli tanks, while his several tattered security
forces scamper about trying to survive the destruction of their offices and
barracks.
To make matters worse, the Palestinian Islamists have played into Israel's
relentless propaganda mills and its ever-ready military by occasional bursts
of wantonly barbaric suicide bombings that finally forced Arafat in
mid-December to turn his crippled security forces against Hamas and Islamic
Jihad, arresting militants, closing offices, occasionally firing at and
killing demonstrators. Every demand that Sharon makes, Arafat hastens to
fulfil, even as Sharon makes still another one, provokes an incident, or
simply says -- with US backing -- that he is unsatisfied, and that Arafat
remains an "irrelevant" terrorist (whom he sadistically forbade from
attending Christmas services in Bethlehem) whose main purpose in life is to
kill Jews. To this logic-defying congeries of brutal assaults on the
Palestinians, on the man who for better or worse is their leader, and on
their already humiliated national existence, Arafat's baffling response has
been to keep asking for a return to negotiations, as if Sharon's transparent
campaign against even the possibility of negotiations wasn't actually
happening, and as if the whole idea of the Oslo peace process hadn't already
evaporated. What surprises me is that, except for a small number of Israelis
(most recently David Grossman), no one comes out and says openly that
Palestinians are being persecuted by Israel as its natives.
A closer look at the Palestinian reality tells a somewhat more encouraging
story. Recent polls have shown that between them, Arafat and his Islamist
opponents (who refer to themselves unjustly as "the resistance") get
somewhere between 40 and 45 per cent popular approval. This means that a
silent majority of Palestinians is neither for the Authority's misplaced
trust in Oslo (or for its lawless regime of corruption and repression) nor
for Hamas's violence. Ever the resourceful tactician, Arafat has countered
by delegating Dr Sari Nusseibeh, a Jerusalem notable, president of Al-Quds
University, and Fatah stalwart, to make trial balloon speeches suggesting
that if Israel were to be just a little nicer, the Palestinians might give
up their right of return. In addition, a slew of Palestinian personalities
close to the Authority (or, more accurately, whose activities have never
been independent of the Authority) have signed statements and gone on tour
with Israeli peace activists who are either out of power or otherwise seem
ineffective as well as discredited. These dispiriting exercises are supposed
to show the world that Palestinians are willing to make peace at any price,
even to accommodate the military occupation. Arafat is still undefeated so
far as his relentless eagerness to stay in power is concerned.
Yet at some distance from all this, a new secular nationalist current is
slowly emerging. It's too soon to call this a party or a bloc, but it is now
a visible group with true independence and popular status. It counts Dr
Haidar Abdel-Shafi and Dr Mustafa Barghouthi (not to be confused with his
distant relative, Tanzim activist Marwan Barghouthi) among its ranks, along
with Ibrahim Dakkak, Ziad Abu Amr, Ahmad Harb, Ali Jarbawi, Fouad Moghrabi,
Legislative Council members Rawiya Al-Shawa and Kamal Shirafi, writers
Hassan Khadr and Mahmoud Darwish, Raja Shehadeh, Rima Tarazi, Ghassan
Al-Khatib, Nassir Aruri, Eliya Zureik and myself. In mid-December, a
collective statement was issued that was well-covered in the Arab and
European media (it went unmentioned in the US) calling for Palestinian unity
and resistance and the unconditional end of Israeli military occupation,
while keeping deliberately silent about returning to Oslo. We believe that
negotiating an improvement in the occupation is tantamount to prolonging it.
Peace can only come after the occupation ends. The declaration's boldest
sections focus on the need to improve the internal Palestinian situation,
above all to strengthen democracy; "rectify" the decision-making process
(which is totally controlled by Arafat and his men); assert the need to
restore the law's sovereignty and an independent judiciary; prevent the
further misuse of public funds; and consolidate the functions of public
institutions so as to give every citizen confidence in those that are
expressly designed for public service. The final and most decisive demand
calls for new parliamentary elections.
However else this declaration may have been read, the fact that so many
prominent independents with, for the most part, functioning health,
educational, professional and labour organisations as their base have said
these things was lost neither on other Palestinians (who saw it as the most
trenchant critique yet of the Arafat regime) nor on the Israeli military. In
addition, just as the Authority jumped to obey Sharon and Bush by rounding
up the usual Islamist suspects, a non- violent International Solidarity
Movement was launched by Dr Barghouthi that comprised about 550 European
observers (several of them European parliament members) who flew in at their
own expense. With them was a well-disciplined band of young Palestinians
who, while disrupting Israeli troop and settler movement along with the
Europeans, prevented rock-throwing or firing from the Palestinian side. This
effectively froze out the Authority and the Islamists, and set the agenda
for making Israel's occupation itself the focus of attention. All this
occurred while the US was vetoing a Security Council resolution mandating an
international group of unarmed observers to interpose themselves between the
Israeli army and defenceless Palestinian civilians.
The first result of this was that on 3 January, after Barghouthi held a
press conference with about 20 Europeans in East Jerusalem, the Israelis
arrested, detained and interrogated him twice, breaking his knee with rifle
butts and injuring his head, on the pretext that he was disturbing the peace
and had illegally entered Jerusalem (even though he was born in it and has a
medical permit to enter it). None of this of course has deterred him or his
supporters from continuing the non-violent struggle, which, I think, is
certain to take control of the already too militarised Intifada, centre it
nationally on ending occupation and settlements, and steer Palestinians
toward statehood and peace. Israel has more to fear from someone like
Barghouthi, who is a self-possessed, rational and respected Palestinian,
than from the bearded Islamic radicals that Sharon loves to misrepresent as
Israel's quintessential terrorist threat. All they do is to arrest him,
which is typical of Sharon's bankrupt policy.
So where is the Israeli and American left that is quick to condemn
"violence" while saying not a word about the disgraceful and criminal
occupation itself? I would seriously suggest that they should join brave
activists like Jeff Halper and Louisa Morgantini at the barricades (literal
and figurative), stand side by side with this major new secular Palestinian
initiative, and start protesting the Israeli military methods that are
directly subsidised by tax-payers and their dearly bought silence. Having
for a year wrung their collective hands and complained about the absence of
a Palestinian peace movement (since when does a militarily occupied people
have responsibility for a peace movement?), the alleged peaceniks who can
actually influence Israel's military have a clear political duty to organise
against the occupation right now, unconditionally and without unseemly
demands on the already laden Palestinians.
Some of them have. Several hundred Israeli reservists have refused military
duty in the occupied territories, and a whole spectrum of journalists,
activists, academics and writers (including Amira Hass, Gideon Levy, David
Grossman, Ilan Pappe, Dani Rabinowitz, and Uri Avnery) have kept up a steady
attack on the criminal futility of Sharon's campaign against the Palestinian
people. Ideally, there should be a similar chorus in the United States
where, except for a tiny number of Jewish voices making public their outrage
at Israel's military occupation, there is far too much complicity and
drum-beating. The Israeli lobby has been temporarily successful in
identifying the war against Bin Laden with Sharon's single-minded,
collective assault on Arafat and his people. Unfortunately, the Arab
American community is both too small and beleaguered as it tries to fend off
the ever-expanding Ashcroft dragnet, racial profiling and curtailment of
civil liberties here.
Most urgently needed, therefore, is coordination between the various secular
groups who support Palestinians, a people against whose mere presence,
geographical dispersion (even more than Israeli depredations) is the major
obstacle. To end the occupation and all that has gone with it is a clear
enough imperative. Now let us do it. And Arab intellectuals needn't feel shy
about actually joining in.
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