[Reader-list] Commons to Enclosures - Tragedy or Comedy
Jeebesh Bagchi
jeebesh at sarai.net
Thu Jan 24 13:07:04 IST 2002
`The Enclosure Movement` - the process of fencing off commons (primarily
began with land, later water, forests etc got added to the ever hungry list)
and bringing in regimes of complicated property rights (private, state,
corporate through grab, franchise, lease etc) have been going on for a very
long time.
Some bright economists looked into a small tract of these commons in England
(around 16th - 19thC) and generated a popular theory called the `The Tragedy
of the Commons`. The argument is simple. The commons where either
underutilised or overutilised and thus could not be taken care of. The
enclosures worked because it allowed for incentives to make things
productive.
This argument. is now gathering momentum around the internet and the
knowledge industry.
I am enclosing an article by an `Nobel` economist who evokes the tragedy of
the commons to argue a business model for the net. His conclusion and his
arguments seems to be in two different direction. interesting read.
cheers
Jeebesh
The Tragedy Of The Commons
Daniel McFadden, Forbes ASAP, 09.10.01
http://www.forbes.com/asap/2001/0910/061_2.html
Immigrants to New England in the 17th century formed villages in which they
had privately owned homesteads and gardens, but they also set aside
community-owned pastures, called commons, where all of the villagers'
livestock could graze. Settlers had an incentive to avoid overuse of their
private lands, so they would remain productive in the future. However, this
self-interested stewardship of private lands did not extend to the commons.
As a result, the commons were overgrazed and degenerated to the point that
they were no longer able to support the villagers' cattle. This failure of
private incentives to provide adequate maintenance of public resources is
known to economists as "the tragedy of the commons."
Contemporary society has a number of current examples of the tragedy of the
commons: the depletion of fish stocks in international waters, congestion on
urban highways, and the rise of resistant diseases due to careless use of
antibiotics. However, the commons that is likely to have the greatest impact
on our lives in the new century is the digital commons, the information
available on the Internet through the portals that provide access. The
problem with digital information is the mirror image of the original grazing
commons: Information is costly to generate and organize, but its value to
individual consumers is too dispersed and small to establish an effective
market. The information that is provided is inadequately catalogued and
organized. Furthermore, the Internet tends to fill with low-value
information: The products that have high commercial value are marketed
through revenue-producing channels, and the Internet becomes inundated with
products that cannot command these values. Self-published books and music are
cases in point.
Management of the digital commons is perhaps the most critical issue of
market design that our society faces. Four major models exist for how such a
market can be organized. In the first model, the information that consumers
seek is bundled with advertisements that companies are willing to purchase.
In this model, the Internet works like magazines or supermarket newspapers.
Advertisers pay the costs of supply, and the price to consumers is zero, sort
of, except for the implicit cost of screening out banner ads. This is the
business model that the Internet portals adopted in the mid-'90s.
Self-generated advertising sustained the model for a few years, but the
bursting of the dot-com bubble suggests that it may be a long time before it
happens again.
A second model ties information content and organization to Internet access.
In this model, your ISP account includes a monthly fee for content, a portal,
and personal services, with competition among access providers assuring the
consumer of attractive services. Market operation would be analogous to that
for cable TV, with subscribers offered packages that would access different
channels of information. The flaw in this model is that your ISP has the same
dearth of incentives to deliver comprehensive information services that your
HMO has to provide you with comprehensive health care. To assure good
delivery of services to customers would take a market with many more choices
than are available.
The third model considers Internet information and organization a private
good, owned by a monopolist (read: Microsoft), which has a direct incentive
to provide and charge for the information that consumers value. This is
likely to be an expensive solution for consumers, but it may be a more
practical and stable way to provide essential information than the earlier
alternatives.
The fourth model channels the supply of Internet information through a
nonprofit corporation, like the Public Broadcasting System, or through a
regulated monopoly, like electricity generators operating with the oversight
of the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission.
The free-spirited Internet user may bridle at the market models in which
consumers pay for content either through an ISP or monopoly control of
information. Nevertheless, the imperatives of survival are likely to push the
digital information business in one of these directions, with significant
restrictions on the breadth of information available, and costs to consumers
that are likely to be occasionally large and always irritating.
The PBS model is probably a nonstarter because few would want to have any
quasi-governmental organization controlling information, and financing
PBS-like organizations is itself a problem that invites political mischief.
As for the virtues of regulation, history is fraught with examples that
should dissuade anyone from going down that path. The advertising-supported
business model is unlikely to attract venture capital for some years to come.
Thus, your fate is likely to be determined by the forthcoming battle between
ISP-based value-added services such as AOL and information channeled through
the Microsoft juggernaut and bundled into the license fee for your operating
system. All indications are that the legal system will follow up the
demolition of Napster with rulings that extend intellectual property rights
down every path that electronic ingenuity can devise to return revenues to
providers.
If the scenarios I have outlined seem dismal, it gets worse. One of the
enchanting features of the Internet over the past decade has been unabashed,
free-wheeling innovation. To become a billionaire, start with a garage. The
evolving information market models are bad news for innovation. If you expect
your ISP to encourage innovation, remember that these guys are your local
telephone or cable company, organizations not known for their inventiveness.
Microsoft or AOL might do a little better, but monopolists have little
incentive to innovate unless they feel the hot breath of potential
competitors on their backs. A monopolized information market, tightly bound
with restrictive intellectual property rights and exclusivity arrangements,
is likely to present formidable barriers to potential competitors.
Is the looming problem of marketing information a serious impediment to
recovery of the Internet economy and the digitalization of commerce? Probably
not. The solutions that resolve the problem of the digital commons are likely
to be ingenious ways to collect money from consumers with little noticeable
pain, and these should facilitate the operation of the Internet as a market
for goods and services. Just don't expect it to be free.
Daniel McFadden won the Nobel Prize for economics in 2000. He is the E.
Morris Cox Professor of Economics at the University of California, Berkeley.
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