[Reader-list] Independent research posting

[ravikant at sarai.net]

This is the first posting by Naresh Goswami. Comments and suggestions are welcome.

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Weekly Markets of East Delhi

Bhajanpura is one of those densely populated and unplanned colonies that have
emerged on the outskirts of Delhi in the recent past. Demographically, it is a
significant part of the northwestern geography of trans-Yamuna area. The
topography of the area is marked by a network of narrow, criss-cross bylanes.
The bylanes connect the numerous clusters of habitation. Unlike many of the
celebrated ghetto-settlements – The 'Koochas' and 'Galees' of the walled city
- this part of Delhi does not carry a rich history behind it. So, far an
outsider, Bhajanpura does not hold out any tourist attraction whatsoever. My
object of study is Bhajanpura, but also the adjoining clusters.

	Before it acquired an identity of being a settlement somewhere in trans-Yamuna
area – this is the dominant perception of most of the people who live on the 
other side of the river- Bhajanpura together with Ghonda, Maujpur, Khajuri,
Usmanpur, Kaithwada etc. was an agricultural area. But in the early 70s, the
geography and the life based on it began to change and a slow process of
migration from the rural to this part  of  the city became visible. The Asian
Games held in 1982, intensified this process manifold. The large scale
construction activities opened up great opportunities for all kinds of craftsmen.

	It was largely in these years that Delhi became a destination for rural workers
including masons and artisans from eastern and western parts of Uttar Pradesh,
Bihar and Uttranchal. A great number of such people either got some job in
various construction works, or started dhabas, tea and pan-shops,etc. This is
how many of the existing colonies – Sonia Vihar, Brijpuri, Ganga Vihar came up
in this area.

	For the last few years I have been an observer of the everyday hustle-bustle of
life in these colonies. In the beginning, when I first saw a market-like scene
on a crowded road in a narrow bylane in this area, it seemed so commonplace
that I did not even notice. But when I saw more of such situations emerging in
other parts of the area, I could notr help noticing a pattern. Soon I found
that these were not stray events. The phenomenon was called a 'Painth' or
saptahik bazaar (weekly haats). Today, for some time now, every colony has its
own weekly market on a particular day. On such a day one gets to see more
women on the main streets and in bylanes, buying different kinds of things
with large bags in their hands and on their shoulders. In these colonies the
market-day is identified with heightened activities, calls of shopkeepers to
attract buyers, scenes of people striking a deal with a vendor, colourful
clothes dangling from rickety platforms and ramshackle masts. The place gets
dramatically transformed for an evening and the next day becomes normal almost
as suddenly and quietly.

	It was from here that this phenomenon of weekly markets turned into a sort of
engagement and provoked me to study the structure and operations within. It
was revealed in the preliminary investigations that the issues of organisation
of this weekly market, profile of people engaged in this, generation of
livelihood and the cultural coordinates would be essential constituents of
this study.

	Even a cursory look at a weekly haat makes it obvious that it is a market of
small producers, where in many instances, a producer, is him/herself a
shopkeeper. Although at an obvious level this is a poorman's market, however,
it is not unusual to find here a buyer from nearby middle class colonies. This
thing lands a strange character to such a market. The weekly haats that are
held in the vicinity of rich and planned colonies, offer better quality products.

	Traditionally weekly markets are an extension of what used to be 'Painth' or
'Haat's' in the older days. For the migrant population such a market mechanism
comes as a continuation of its tradition. Here, it may be noted that in rural
areas shopping used to be a weekly affair. But what makes these weekly markets
click in a city like Delhi is the overall marginalisation of people in the
peripheral areas. They can not have access to mainstream markets and hence
create their own markets corresponding to their purchasing power and status.

	In this part of the city, the weekly markets generally cater to everyday needs
 - like vegetables, spices, crockery, clothes - of the local community. In
this context, it is important to see that a large number of goods and products
being sold in such markets are locally produced. But you are likely to be
surprised by the presence of foreign, in particular Chinese goods and may
start thinking about the complex networks that govern such local but moving
markets. Moving, because it is not uncommon to find the same set of wandering
vendors pitching their tents in different areas on different days of the week.

	An interesting aspect of this phenomenon of weekly markets is that besides
shopkeepers, vendors and/or traders, a lot more people draw sustenance from
it. For example, persons supplying tables, bamboos and other accessories to
the shopkeepers look upon the weekly markets as a source of fairly stable
employment. At times, even a house owner gets away with some money in return
for allowing shopkeepers to lay down his articles in the space outside his house.

	When we move from the socio-economic coordinates of weekly markets to the issue
of control, regulation etc., we are dismayed at the callous and prohibitive
role of government machinery. The vendors are often punished and fined for
taking their shop in the interiors of bylanes in an obvious situation of
overflow. The MCD and police raise issues of legality and harass the vendors.

	I would like to investigate this whole issue of administrative controls,
pressures, rules, laws and corruption in my study.

	Till now we have mainly focussed on the economic part of the weekly markets,
but we just can not understand the actual significance of this phenomenon, if
we do not realise that a weekly haat challenges and redefines the design of
our ordered public space. For a woman who is largely confined to the four
walls of a home a weekly market comes as an open space where she can
participate and make choices. In this process, they silently cut into the
structure of patriarchy. This area has a mixed population of Hindus and
Muslims. Today when the process of alienation is deepening between the two
communities, such markets provide a much needed platform for a dialogue. 

To sum up, here we would basically focus on the interplay between the weekly
market and the local community. I wish to emphasize that this preliminary
description is rather indicative of many elements that constitute this
phenomenon. So here my basic intention is to unravel this structure of
symbiosis and conflict as I explore the significance of such markets for the
local people. I think the answers emerging from this study would be able to
shed some light on lesser known and hitherto largely unexplored facet of
contemporary urban culture.