[Reader-list] Invisible in the Camps: Women in the Kashmiri Pandit refugee camps.
meenu gaur
meenugaur at hotmail.com
Tue Jul 22 12:06:19 IST 2003
In this posting I would like to focus on the narratives of the women that I
interviewed in the course of this research.
When a community encounters a threat, its fears are often expressed through
discourses on the honour and dignity of the women of the community. The
narratives of Kashmiri Pandit migrants about 1990 focus on how it had been
getting difficult for the women from Pandit households to move around in the
Valley with self-respect and dignity. Many recounted stories of how Pandit
women were being forced to marry Muslim militants though these incidents and
stories often took place in an elsewhere which nobody seemed to have been
much familiar with
all of them had heard of such a thing happening from
someone else. I make this point not to suggest that atrocities were never
committed on Kashmiri Pandits in the Valley but that rumour mongering and
criminal mischief by rogue elements took on an acutely ugly turn for a
community whose sense of security had already been completely eroded by
1990. So much so that the militants found willing partners in these
criminal/rogue elements who did all they could to create confusion in the
Valley (the former Chairman of the Hurriyat had once called "confusion" a
desirable goal for the ends of Pakistan in the Valley). The ubiquitous
posters and the notorious hit lists could be drawn up in a militant hideout
or by schoolboys in the back alleys of downtown Srinagar
nobody bothered to
stop anybody in the interests of confusion. But a more sinister goal seems
to have been at work here
to instill fear in the hearts and minds of not
just the Pandit minority but that of everybody in Kashmir. The State did
nothing to restore the confidence of the people or allay the fears of the
Pandit minority, protect them or in the least dispel many of these rumours
it already had too much on its hands faced with a complete collapse of civil
administration and first stirrings of rebellion even in the J&K Police. Even
then the State wasnt interested in anything but national security.
Someone in the Sultanpuri camp mentioned to me, that though Kashmiri Pandits
may well now be living impoverished lives in refugee camps of Delhi but at
least their women live with honour and dignity. However, if you imagine a
camp such as the South Extension camp in Delhi housed in a community
centre
one large hall
a baraat ghar, as these halls are called
27
families, which would approximately mean 104-110 people, in this hall or
baraat ghar
each allotted 2 feet X 5 feet minuscule spaces, it is
difficult to understand the rhetoric about self-respect and dignity
But the women I spoke with frequently brought up this lack of space in their
narratives and this is understandable, as it is the women who spend most of
their time inside these camps (very few are employed outside the camp). The
refugee camp is a space where the notion of the private is all but
non-existent and the only available spaces are shared spaces between the men
and women, the young and the old
and, as is often the case, men dominate
even these matchbox spaces. The women feel they were better off in a
traditional society, which at least offered its own spaces for them.
Veena, one of the women I interviewed, told me that most Pandit households
in Kashmir had segregated spaces for men and women and they did not share
the same space even with the men from their own families (the reason she
cited for the existence of this practice was the shared culture between the
Hindus and the Muslims in the Valley). In the camps, they had to abandon
their traditional ways of living. The women of the camps see the loss of
their private space as a loss of dignity. There are small common bathrooms
in the camp, women have to sleep cramped in corners in their small cubicles
next to other members of their own family or as was the case in the earlier
days, in the large unpartitioned halls next to the members of the other
families.
The complete lack of intimacy between couples and the impossibility of any
real emotional engagement due to the constant gaze in which each of them
found themselves every single moment all these years is also spoken of by
these women to highlight the strain every personal relationship has gone
through over the last 12 years. Some in the camps speculated about the drop
in birth-rates and the dangerous implications it carried for the community.
Many of them often talked about extinction. For many women who were
already married in the 1990s this migration has meant a separation and
isolation from their parental homes and larger families which were often
seen by them as support structures (most of the community is getting
scattered even now as families move out of the camps to resettle into small
flats in Delhi suburbs and the links with even the camp community have begun
to weaken).
In my interviews in the camps, most women were nostalgic about marriages,
festivals, Shivratri celebrations, frequent visits to neighbours and the
rest of the family, shopping in bazaars, close friendships with Muslim
women, when they spoke of their life in Kashmir. The younger women recalled
their days in high school and college, and contrasted it to their present
life, which is constrained and often surrounded by unfriendly neighbours.
One of the women explained to me, using the allegory of birds building a
nest that however far and wide the birds may travel, in the evening they
must 'return' to their nests and that the Pandits have no nests anymore, we
can never return home in the evening.
Also, there are no interactions for them outside the camp, all social and
festive occasions mean hopping over to the next cubicle in the camp. Veenas
marriage took place in the very camp she now lives in, though she stressed
that there arent any intra-camp marriages (meaning marriages between people
of the same camp, this being a necessary invention to act as a safeguard and
deterrent for young people in the camp). She also spoke of how all the
promise and potential in the younger women was not realized, their education
and all other career opportunities were throttled as there was so much
paranoia about honour of the community with which the Kashmiri Pandit women
found themselves burdened. Thus most girls were married in their teens
because of the fear of things spiralling out of control (to express the
gravity of the situation Veena went to the extreme of saying that the
practice of baal vivaha or child marriage has been revived by the
community). However, she was also quick to point out that in many cases like
herself the migration provided a much needed exposure to new worlds and
opportunities. Even though her own education had been disrupted for some
years, today Veena has a good career in a multinational corporation. She
mentions how the quotas and reserved seats in various institutions like
medical colleges, engineering colleges devised by various state governments
for the Kashmiri Pandits such as by the government in Maharashtra has been
the biggest boon for the young in the community. She narrated a story about
the Karbala massacre
in order to speak about a community building their
lives after displacement
kehte hai jab shiao pe zulm hua tha, unka paani
roka gaya tha, unhe ghar se beghar kiya gaya tha, at that time Prophet
Muhammad ki ma ne, unhone ek dua dee thee ki jo bhi beghar hoga bhagwaan
usko bahut jaldi settle bhi kar dega, jisko zulm ki wajah se apni zameen
chornee paregee, unka bahut jaldi settlement hoga, aur who dua sach hui. (
It is said that when the Shias were facing oppression and were forced to
leave their homes, the Prophets mother prayed that all those who lose their
land and home due to oppression should find resettlement
and that prayer
was answered). Interestingly Prophets mother had died long before Karbala
when Prophet Muhammad himself was very young
but what I wanted to emphasize
through this story is the threads, which often come up through such cultural
references which still connect the Pandits in the camps and the Muslims in
the Valley.
Veena remembered the night of 16th January 1990 when they left the Valley
vividly. She remembered the exact objects they had carried with them that
night
chaar bartan, petromax, ek chula
familiar objects
this is the home
they carried with them to the cubicles in these camps
She remembered how as
a young girl, she and her siblings were most excited at the prospect of
travelling on a truck, unaware of the seriousness of the situation when they
were leaving the Valley. She remembers that the older members of the family
cried throughout the journey while she fought with her siblings as to who
would occupy the window seat. Most people left their houses with very little
as they were sure that they would be able to return home that spring
Geeta, from the Hauzrani camp, in response to my query about the memory of
home, pointed to a young adolescent boy and said that he was only a year old
when they had left the Valley, but he often tells his friends in school Hum
Kashmir mein baraf se khelte the
(We used to play with snow in Kashmir)
and all the older members in the camp tease him and ask him, lekin aap
kabhi Kashmir gaye hain? (But have you ever been to Kashmir?)
In many
ways, she said, they are all like him carrying their fragile identity and
memories of home in their hearts and minds.
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