[Reader-list] differences; identities & aspirations in exile

[mallica mishra]

Hello everyone! this is a very late posting and am sorry about this,
was caught up with my Ph.D and stuff! Have tried to look at
intra-group differences amongst Tibetan refugee youth in exile
alongwith identifying patterns of interlinkages with their identities;
aspirations and dilemmas.
-Mallica

Intra-group Diversities, Identities & Aspirations of Tibetan Refugee
Youth in Delhi

Tibetans are generally seen as a homogenous, monolithic, uniform group
of people but my research made me realize that they are actually a
heterogeneous group of people with the presence of several intra-group
diversities amongst them in Tibet in the pre-1959 period as also in
exile in India.
Socio-economic, religious and other differences existed amongst them
in the pre-migration period, before the exodus into India in 1959.
While the circumstances of refugeeism were experienced by all of them
alike, socio-economic and cultural rehabilitation and years in exile
have brought about changes in position as well as status. Intra-group
differences continue to exist amongst them, which may have
implications for the identities and aspirations of Tibetan youth in
India.
Diversities exist in terms of first, second and third generation
refugees and also new arrivals to the country. Differences on the
basis of class, gender, etc also exist which needs to be explored.
Differences are likely to exist in terms of the degree of
vulnerability amongst children on the basis of gender, and also in
terms of orphaned and destitute children. The intra- group differences
need to be explored to understand if they impact upon their individual
and collective identities.

A. Regional & Sectarian Differences:
Pre-migration circumstances: Review of secondary literature suggests
that there were three major regions in erstwhile Tibet: U-Tsang; Kham
and Amdo. Being separated from each other by large distances, these
regions were bound together not so much by the presence of a common
political authority as by the presence of similar cultural; religious
and ethnic bonds. It took several months on horseback to journey from
the Eastern part of Kham to Amdo. Sectarianism, though existent due to
low population density and remoteness of one center from another was
also not very operative in traditional Tibet, as it made it possible
for each of the four major sects to co-exist without threatening the
others' 'area of influence'.
Post-Migration circumstances: Exile forced closer proximity between
these geographically and to an extent also culturally separated people
which made the differences in philosophical emphases and
interpretations to stand out more clearly and also an inter-sectarian
awareness of the other's relative strength (number as well as
influence) promoting a competitive attitude "aggravated by western
devotees seeking a very un-Tibetan "one true sect" (Nowak, 1978:69).
Steps were needed to prevent these regional and sectarian differences
in exile and to build and strengthen the struggle for a free Tibet.
National identity had to take precedence over traditional regional
differences. Thus, concerned Tibetans from all sects, including the
Dalai Lama, himself started a public relations campaign to stress
harmony and unity amongst the sects as also amongst people from
different regional backgrounds of Tibet (Nowak, 1978:69) and, it
seems, a national identity was given precedence over regional and
sectarian identities in exile.
Regional differences also seem to exist amongst Tibetans in India
settled in different regions in India. Review of secondary literature
suggests that existence of socio-cultural differences, particularly
amongst the younger generations of Tibetans from places like
Darjeeling in North Eastern India and those from the rest of the
country like parts of Himachal Pradesh (Dharamsala; Paonta Sahib etc);
Uttaranchal (Dehradun; Mussorie); South India (Bylakuppe; Mundgod
etc).
My research include interviews with Tibetan students who born in
Tibet, Nepal, Bhutan but have been educated in India alongwith those
Tibetans born and educated in different parts of India.

B. Differences of Language/Dialects:
Another important aspect with regard to language which influence
ethnic identity of students are the differences in dialects of the new
entrants from Tibet, particularly, the people belonging to the Kham
and the Amdo region of Tibet which brings into sharp focus the
differences between the new refugees and the old. For instance, new
arrivals tend to be considered as 'sinocized' while according to the
old settlers are highly' Indianized' and  'westernized". However, the
role of the education system in exile in this regard requires mention.
Tibetan schools in India, by the teaching the Lhasa dialect (Central
dialect) as standard Tibetan as well as consciously framing textbook
content in a similar manner for all refugee children have played a
major role in playing down regional and sectarian differences amongst
the Tibetans by stressing upon and creating the ideology of a unified
Tibetan nation in exile. Thus, Interviews from youth studying in
colleges in Delhi University who have passed out from such schools
also suggest the absence of all remnants of regional identity and the
presence of a pan-Tibetan, cohesive group identity. While there is
awareness of the region in Tibet from where their parents and
ancestors were from, one's regional identity is not regarded as really
important at all. What emerges as important is the ethnic identity, of
belonging to the same ethnic group, and comprising a Tibetan nation in
exile.
The influences of regional differences can, however, still be felt
particularly on the dialects and identities of Tibetan youth even
within the country, for instance, the youth from places in the
north-east, like Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Gangtok, seem to speak a
Tibetan which is a mixture of Tibetan, Lepcha and Nepalese. They stand
out from other Tibetans because they can speak fluently in English and
Hindi though they cannot speak in Tibetan. Similarly, it seems,
Tibetans settled in Tamil Nadu speak a "strange Tibetan", i.e.
'Tibetan with a Tamil accent' as the curriculum in Tamil Nadu schools
call for it, they are also taught Tamil.
All the above differences (due to schools attended, regional
influences, influence of country of birth etc) contribute towards
shaping the identities of the youth. It is believed that life in the
city with students living in scattered places might add to the
differences and lead to a further loss of traditional Tibetan language
skills. This is why the Tibetan Youth Hostel was constructed to enable
Tibetan youth to stay together and to speak in their language,
celebrate festivals/occasions together and to maintain the Tibetan
identity. The hostel is also important as it enables the youth to
speak the Tibetan language more frequently (students from non-Tibetan
schools seem to strengthen their Tibetan language skills, which in
many cases was very limited before their stay there).
Thus, the importance of language as a marker of identity of the
Tibetan people, therefore, needs to be recognized.

C. Differences based on Religion:
Religion in pre-1959 Tibet: For centuries, Lamaist Mahayana Buddhism
exerted a major influence in Tibet until 1951 when Communist china
through massive armed action annexed Tibet and overthrew the old
religious order. Harrer, Hienrich, has observed how religion was an
all-pervading influence on the lives of Tibetans as "pious texts were
constantly on the lips of Tibetans. The religious rituals were an
inalienable part of their lives. The prayer wheels were constantly
turned and the prayer-flags waved on the housetops, and the mountain
passes and the tree-tops. The religious symbolism pervaded their
consciousness. To the Tibetans, the rain, the wind, the majestic
snow-covered peaks, in short all the phenomena of nature were the
various aspects of the godly presence. The divine anger as the
Tibetans believed, was manifested by the hailstorm and benevolence, by
the fruitfulness and the fertility of the land. The life of the people
was regulated by the
divine will, whose interpreters were the lamas" (Harrer cited in
Saklanai, 1984:132). It was this high degree of conformity, which the
Chinese ideology tried to undermine through 'mass education'
techniques and 'brain-washing' and yet found difficult to break. The
final attack on the lamas led to shock and anguish with a large number
of them fleeing the country and following their 'god-king', the Dalai
Lama to India. They fled 'to save their religion' and to keep alive
the traditional mode of life as also to escape the horrors of
persecution (Saklani, 1984,138).
Religion in Exile: On coming to India, one of the first major problems
that the refugee community faced was -to rehabilitate the monastic
community and to keep the religious traditions alive for which, the
monasteries and religious institutions were established. Within a very
short period of time, they had shown remarkable initiative and
creativity and succeeded in creating their very own 'religious
environment'. Religious and Cultural
institutions have been set up to preserve and foster the pristine
religious and cultural heritage of the Tibetans. Exile has also led to
a remarkable growth in popularity of Tibetan Buddhism throughout the
world, outside the closed environs of Tibet. Such institutions can be
found in the U.K, U.S.A, Switzerland, Netherlands, and South Africa,
New Zealand apart from different parts of India, Bhutan and Nepal
where the refuges have settled in bulk and where naturally the number
of such institutions is larger (Saklani, 1984,1984:154). In India,
wherever the Tibetan refugee settlements are located, the refugees
have built chorten (stupa), gompas (monasteries) or temples; one can
still see the ritual of circumambulating these religious monuments;
rosaries and prayer-wheels being turned; mantras being chanted,
especially by elder people.

Religious Differences amongst Tibetans:
Tibetans can, however, also be differentiated on the basis of
religions. While a great majority of them are Buddhists, there are
followers of other faiths also amongst them, for example, the Tibetan
Muslims. After the Chinese takeover of Tibet in 1959, the Tibetan
Muslims, alongwith the Tibetan Buddhists, also decided to opt for
India on the basis of their "Indian (Kashmiri and Ladakhi) ancestry to
escape Chinese tyranny and were rehabilitated in Srinagar, Darjeeling,
Kalimpong and Gangtok in India (Mondal, 2001:243). While schools were
started for the Tibetan Muslim refugee children in these settlements
to provide "modern and traditional education", some of them were also
sent to Central schools set up for the Tibetans elsewhere in India in
Shimla, Dalhousie etc (Mondal, 2001:247). While many of these Tibetan
Muslim refugees have become naturalized citizens of India, they seem
to still cultivate, both the Tibetan as well as Islamic knowledge and
thereby have maintained their "distinct identity" which needs to be
acknowledged (Mondal, 2001:248). Apart from Tibetan Muslim refugees,
there are also Christian Tibetan refugees in Kalimpong and Darjeeling,
India who also have "permanently settled down" in India. It seems
before the Chinese entered Tibet, Christian missionaries had
functioned in East Tibet (Srinivasan, 1977:4). Decline in the
tradition of family members being sent to monasteries to join the
monastic order (In Tibet, usually one member of the family from each
generation, joined the monastic order). What, however, cannot be
disregarded is the importance of religion in the lives of the Tibetan
people in exile.
Another evidence of changing social attitudes is the fact that
recruits to the Lamaist order have "definitely declined" (Saklani
cited in Norbu, 1986:19). Narratives of Tibetan youth in the study
also reflect decline in interest in monastic education. Recent
statistics show that only 10% of Tibetans may be enrolled in various
Tibetan monastic institutions (Tibetans in exile, March, 2004:8,DOE,
CTA). However, religious values continue to be upheld, or even
religious identity, interpreted as the desire to remain devoted to
Lamaist Buddhism and to follow the Dalai Lama.
All the Tibetan youth in the study were followers of Tibetan Buddhism.

D. Differences based on Gender:
With regard to the position of Tibetan women in exile as also in
Tibet, Tibetologists largely seem to believe that women share a
position equal to that of men.
At the same time, however, there also seems to be the fact that in
relation to education and professional employment "they are staying
shy"(Tsering, D, 1986:16).
The above paradox, which regards the position of Tibetan women "at par
in life activities" but at the same "staying shy" in the educational
and professional sphere seems to be important. The fact as to whether
the burden of being Tibetan is greater on Tibetan girls rather than
boys is explored in terms of the interlinkages between culture,
identity and education. Tibetan boys and girls spoken with largely
seemed to suggest that there is no 'blatant gender discrimination'
against Tibetan women and that their position in society is better
than that of Indian women; that they are regarded as better at
business as compared to men; are provided equal opportunities to study
etc. The limited presence of women in the upper-most echelons of the
Tibetan Government in exile is explained on grounds that while
opportunities are provided to them, girls tend to be 'shy' and 'don't
participate' and even as 'lack talent'. The general argument that is
usually given is that 'its not that there is gender discrimination,
there are simply not many capable women around'.
A few dissenting voices, however, could also be heard, especially from
girls from non-Tibetan convent schools. These girls, for instance,
Dawa, clearly spoke against the "conservative" Tibetan society.
As a woman, she feels that there is "social pressure on Tibetan girls
to be well behaved" and to be "shy' and "modest". She feels that the
Tibetan youth (both boys and girls) are not comfortable with the fact
that she interacts with boys and girls from inside as well as outside
the community. "I like interacting with different people all, the
time, in the college as well as here in the hostel, which is not
considered good for girls. They expect us to be shy all the time and
walk with downcast eyes, but why should I act shy if I'm not and why
should I walk with downcast eyes, except maybe in front of my
boyfriend!" she retorts.
The atmosphere of Tibetan schools, according to the students, is also
at fault, in terms of promoting limited and healthy interaction
between girls and boys. 'Teasing' and 'labeling' takes place if a boy
and a girl are seen talking alone giving rise to youth with hesitant
and 'shy' personalities who feel uncomfortable in interacting with
boys/girls of the opposite sex. A Tibetan girl who studied in a
Tibetan school till 10th and later on, for plus-two, shifted to a
Convent schools explains the difference in the atmosphere of these two
schools. In the TCV School, she says, the warden was "very strict and
orthodox" and was "not happy about girls and boys with each other".
Girls could not go to the boys hostel and vice versa. "They used to
beat us up, also", she adds. "Dar-dar ke rehna padta tha"("we used to
be sacred most of the time"). It was not like this in the other
school. There was plenty of interaction between girls and boys; for
instance, birthday parties were "celebrated in the basketball court,
there was food and even a DJ!"
As cultural and social values and ideas about gender and sexuality are
inculcated into individuals through the process of socialization at
the level of the family; school; peer-group and community - these
years of adolescence are specially important in the context of Tibetan
youth as they inform and shape their values, opinions, worldviews and
identities that gives meanings to and shapes their behavior in the
years to come. It also emerges from review of secondary literature as
well as from interviews with Tibetan youth that the burden of
preserving traditional Tibetan culture and heritage seems to be more
upon Tibetan girls' as compared to Tibetan boys. An example being the
fact that in traditional ceremonial occasions, like Losar (Tibetan New
Year) while the boys seem to be at ease in comfortable western outfits
(jeans and t-shirts); girls are expected to be dressed in their
traditional Tibetan outfits called chubbas.
Thus, intra-group differences on the basis of gender and the influence
of the same upon individual and collective identities seems to be a
significant fact that needs to be further explored in detail.

E. Differences based on Class:
Pre-migration circumstances: Tibetan society seems to have been a
stratified one with the people divided on the basis of class. Scholars
like Grunfeld note the existence of an "overwhelming evidence of a
highly stratified society with a huge gulf between the classes in
former Tibet" which also had an impact on education in the country
(Grunfeld, 1987:14). Formal, secular education was a preserve of only
the upper classes in Tibet  (particularly prior to the advent of the
Chinese secular schools) with the wealthy hiring tutors or during the
20th century, sending their children to India and Sikkim for an
Anglo-Indian education at Christian missionary schools (Grunfeld,
1987:14;Alam, 2000:186).
Post-Migration circumstances:  Exile in India, seems to have provided
scope for social and economic mobility, with modern, secular
education, no longer remaining the preserve of the upper classes
(Alam, 2000:186). Yet, it seems that access to expensive public
schools is not available to all Tibetan children in India with the
former aristocracy contining to send their children to exclusive and
expensive, private Anglo-Indian schools or aboard for their education
(Grunfeld, 1987:16). The fact that whether those who constituted the
upper classes in Tibet, continue to have an upper hand in exile seems
to be a significant issue.
Life in exile seems to have brought about disruptions in terms of
traditional occupations, with occupational mobility taking place and
chances being available for those traditionally at the bottom-rung of
the social hierarchy to move up the same. However, many of the older
classes, particularly members of the old nobility have also managed to
retain their old status, continuing to be a part of and exercise their
influence in the Dalai lama's administration.
A trend that was detected from the interviews was a clear difference
between the class situation of students from Tibetan and non-Tibetan
schools.  Differences in economic background can be seen largely in
terms of students from Tibetan schools and those from non-Tibetan
schools. While the latter's parents largely seem to belong to the
middle and upper-middle class groups and are able to afford expensive
school fees of non-Tibetan schools, the latter usually seem to belong
to lower and lower-middle class families and therefore send their
children to Tibetan schools where education is provided free of cost
or at subsidized rates.
While such trends were noted, further research is required to look at
the class situation of Tibetan youth to determine how (and if at all)
these differences impact upon their sense of individual and collective
identities in exile

F. Place of Birth: Differences between Tibetan youth born outside
India & those born in India
There are significant differences, in terms of lived experiences;
identities and aspirations between Tibetan children born and brought
up in India and the new arrivals born in Tibet but who have,
subsequently crossed the border from Tibet into India to study in the
Tibetan schools of The Dalai Lama's government in exile. Review of
secondary literature on the issue highlights the following points of
difference between the two groups of Tibetans.
New Arrivals: According to Liang, L, "for the past five years, the
average number of refugees who have been coming to India is in the
3000 range. More than 50% of these new arrivals are children under the
age of fifteen. Increase in the number of new arrivals is the direct
result of easing of the Chinese policies in the post-cultural
revolution period. There are now thirteen established routes through
which Tibetan people escape to their freedom in exile in India. Most
of the new arrivals cross Tibet in India during the winter months
(Dec-Feb) because this is the time of the year when the snow is at its
most treacherous and most of the Chinese guards are withdrawn to safer
places". Liang states that for the parents who send their children
across, it is the belief that their children will have a "better
education" in India since most of them do not have the chance of a
regular education in Tibet. It is also the desire of the Tibetan
parents "to ensure that their children do not lose their identity and
their language" which makes them take the decision of taking the
perilous journey (Liang, 1999: 18).
i. Socio-cultural adjustment problems: These include, missing Tibet
and their families; not being able to adjust to the climate and food
in India, not being able to get used to the educational system here
especially if they have never studied in a school before, an
inferiority complex vis-à-vis the other children who were born in
India.
ii. Dialect Differences: not being able to adjust to the Lhasa dialect
spoken in India,
especially if they are from Kham or Amdo (In India the Central Tibetan
dialect (U-Tsang) is normally spoken while those who come from the
other two regions of Tibet (Kham and Amdo) have different dialects
alongwith a pronounced Chinese accent). Those born in India, on the
other hand are more at ease with both the Central Tibetan dialect or
Lhasa dialect spoken in India as well as the ways of the country.
iii. Cultural and temperamental differences: Goldstein-Kyaga refers to
"newcomers often commenting what they consider the bad Tibetan
language of the old refugees, a mixture of dialects intermingled with
Indian words. The old refugees, on the other hand, comment on the
newcomers' Chinese influenced ways and language"(Goldstein-Kyaga,
1993:124).
iv. Better academic performance: Despite above-mentioned problems of
adjustment to life in a new country, it seems that children in Tibetan
schools like TCV (most of whom are new arrivals) have better
examination results (X and XII) than India-born other Tibetan
children.
v. Spirit of patriotism/nationalism: Goldstein-Kyaga also found the
new refugees
to be more nationalistic as compared to the old refugees, "even though
it is assumed that it is refugees who represent the nationalism, while
Tibetans in Tibet are less engaged in this respect"(Goldstein-Kyaga,
1993:125).
Interviews with Tibetan youth born in India as well as those who were
born in Tibet/Nepal/ Bhutan have been conducted that bring out the
above differences, though in varying degrees.

G. Differences between Tibetan youth on Type of School attended:
Alongwith the intra-group diversities that existed amongst Tibetans,
even in the pre-1959 period (region; religion; sect; gender; class
etc) another variable that I have looked at to determine linkages of
these diversities with individual and collective Tibetan identities in
exile is: the type of school that they have passed out from in India.
As pointed out earlier, there are largely three kinds of schools and
education that Tibetan children in India have. These are provided in
a) Tibetan schools b) Non-Tibetan Schools c) Monastic Schools. My
interactions and interviews with the Tibetan youth residing in the
Tibetan Youth Hostel in Rohini, New Delhi, basically shed light on
differences in life experiences of students from Tibetan and
non-Tibetan schools in India. The 'Tibetan' and the 'non-Tibetan' or
Indo-western atmosphere of these two varieties of schools give rise to
students with differing levels of acculturation with the host culture
and people; feelings and sentiments towards 'the homeland' Tibet; and
different aspirations and identities.
i. Role of Tibetan Schools in forging a national identity:
My previous posting had dealt with the ways in which the school
culture of Tibetan schools in exile are an important medium through
which the idea and concept of Tibet-as one nation is translated into
'reality' for Tibetan children. They form the soil on which the idea
of Tibet emerges and takes root in the imagination of the children. It
is through textbooks (alongwith other school processes) that Tibetan
children come to know of the concept of a nation, Tibet as a lost
nation, their relation with India and their status as refugees (at the
national and the international level). At the same time, the textbooks
also provide future pointers to action- elaborating upon the dreams
and 'fervent wish' of their return to Tibet, sustaining the idea of
the myth of return and even elaborating on the kind of Tibet they want
to return to (that has either freedom or real autonomy, as pointed
above)
 Uniformity of identity has been consciously brought about, amongst
other things, through the medium of education. The school environment
seems to be imbued with the spirit of patriotism with daily rituals
and ceremonies such as, singing of national anthem; staging of debates
on legitimacy of Tibet's claim to independence, school wide
commemoration of Tibetan festivals and occasions, through which, the
school's role in promoting of nationalism becomes even more evident.
Most Tibetans are also socialized to think of themselves as a
homogeneous group through schooling and group celebrations such as the
celebration of the 10th March uprising or the Dalai Lama's birthday;
both celebrations are primarily designed to raise a sense of national
consciousness. The symbols of a political nation that include: a flag,
a national anthem, days of national celebration and a national
figurehead. All of the Tibetan youth spoken to refer to, the raising
of the Tibetan flag and the singing of the Tibetan national anthem
(alongwith the Indian national anthem) in their schools every morning.
The two new festivals created in exile to foster a sense of national
identity, primarily, commemoration of the 10th March uprising and
celebration of the Dalai Lama's birthday both take place in the
Tibetan schools.
The schools contribute towards the development of emotions of intense
nationalism' not only through the above methods but also with the
attitudes of teachers and other school staff who constantly try to
impress upon students their refugee status and the need for them to be
'different' from others, to 'work harder' and to fight for the cause
of Tibet.
Discussions with youth shed light on their memories of how these
events are celebrated and/or commemorated in Tibetan schools and their
impact upon their identities as children. The schools' role in
creating a pan-Tibetan national identity becomes important due to the
fact, as mentioned before intra-group diversities that existed amongst
them, had to be consciously downplayed so that the a Tibetan national
movement had to be built in exile for Tibet's freedom. The role of
Tibetan schools is important as an agency of identity-construction of
Tibetan youth, in view of the fact that most of the senior secondary
Tibetan schools in India are residential (twelve out of fourteen)
largely located in hill stations and a majority of students spend
important years of their lives within these boarding schools, before
going out into bigger cities like Delhi for pursuing their higher
education.
Language; Schools & Opportunities: all the Tibetan students from
Tibetan schools, spoken to, referred to a lack of fluent English
language skills amongst them. This, they feel, is due to the 'Tibetan'
environment of their schools with teacher-student interaction in
Tibetan language and lack of use of English language in school.
Students also stated that the limited English and Hindi language
skills, a product of the education system, are an important
impediment, as it leads to low confidence and does not prepare them
adequately to get jobs in the job-market in the Indian community.
Those from non-Tibetan schools on the other hand, clearly accept their
lack of knowledge about traditional Tibetan culture, language and
religion due to the nature of their schooling. They, however, being
fluent in English and Hindi language, according to them, is an
advantage that will help them in higher education and in seeking jobs
in exile.
Language & Interaction with Indian Students: Their limited English and
Hindi speaking skills also make communication and interaction (of
Tibetan students from Tibetan schools) with Indian students difficult.
The students from Tibetan schools, thus, come across as low in
confidence and shy and tend to prefer to hang around with Tibetan
students in their college. Tibetans from non-Tibetan schools, on the
other hand, claim to be facing no such problems, have Tibetan as well
as Indian friends in college. While all the students from non-Tibetan
schools claimed to have both Tibetan and Indian friends in college;
all the students from Tibetan schools stated that they 'try' to find
and be with Tibetan students in college.
Though most of the Tibetan students in exile seem to be attending
Tibetan schools as compared to non-Tibetan schools, there are very few
of such students from Tibetan schools who seem to be enrolled in
premier colleges.
Choice of college: students from non-Tibetan schools stated that they
had the desire to get admission into such institutions of learning
because of the reputation of good quality of education provided.
Interviews with Tibetan youth who have passed their senior secondary
from Tibetan schools, on the other hand, suggest that they seem to be
studying in the middle and lower rung colleges of Delhi. The reasons
for studying in these colleges seems to be largely dependant upon the
marks secured in their 12th grade and in some cases the fact of
presence of Tibetan 'seniors' in these colleges that provides a
feeling of 'security'.

H. Generation-Gap & Differences between Tibetan youth:
Research suggests that the older generations of refugees, as compared
to their children generally tend to be loathe to give up their native
identity and traditional culture, which, in many instances is on the
brink of extinction and which, quite often was the main reason behind
their persecution and escape from their native country. For refugee
children and youth, a dilemma invariably exists as to whether to
conform to the host society's culture and ways of life so as to climb
up the occupational ladder or to adhere to their parents desire to
preserve and cherish (to the extent possible) their own cultural
values and language
Interviews of students born, brought up and educated in India in non-
Tibetan schools (as compared to those who were born in Tibet, Nepal,
Bhutan etc) indicate that the issue of 'generation-gap' is more
prominent amongst youth in certain regions of the country (for
instance, Darjeeling, W.B). Generation gap and resultant
socio-cultural differences, it seems, can be seen primarily amongst
those Tibetans born and brought up in exile in India who have had
their education in non-Tibetans schools like Christian convents and
Indian public schools. These students also seem to have higher degrees
of acculturation with the host country, India and are less integrated
with the Tibetan community in exile. They also seem to have
aspirations (educational & career-wise) to explore opportunities
outside the Tibetan community, India as well as aboard.
An interesting case is that of Jigme Yeshi, for instance, born and
brought up in Darjeeling and a product of a Christian missionary
school, St Josephs' North Point, who wishes to settle down in India
and seek naturalization, though,, in consonance with his parents'
wishes. Jigme, feels that despite the desire to seek naturalization,
he "feels for Tibet" and realizes the need for its "conservation".
Another "dream" of his is to work at UNESCO and convert precious sites
in Tibet as 'Heritage Sites' (only the Potala Palace has been so far
made a Heritage Site"). Jigme, however, refers to existence of a
'generation-gap' amongst families of other Tibetan youth in Darjeeling
who, "because of being educated in "western schools", do not have a
"direct, straightforward attachment to the Tibet issue". Another
reason, he said, is that they are "selfish", have relatives aboard and
want to settle there; also Tibetans in Darjeeling, it seems, do not
live in a settlement but are dispersed and live in small pockets.
Peace marches are also; it seems, very infrequent with "only the
elders participating". He says his father; though a staunch supporter
of the Dalai Lama wanted him out of "sloganeering; picketing and
shouting anti-Chinese slogans as he felt it would "make matters worse"
for Tibet. He says that only the 'leaders' of such marches are
educated. Most of the participants are college dropouts; into smoking
and listening to Bob Marley and Santana. Jigme refers to the
"pollution" of the younger generations in Darjeeling. "They like to
imitate Eminem; Kid Rock, wear clothes like that and behave like
them". Jigme, provides a very interesting description of the clothes
work by such youngsters in Darjeeling: huge t-shirts /jerseys touching
the knees; huge baggy jeans; cap worn backwards (like tennis-players);
colored hair (in shades like green; blue etc); a long chain hanging
from the neck; a scarf worn around the neck (is supposedly very
important); 2 wrist -bands; a kind of wallet with a metallic tattoo of
a skeleton etc and a long chain hanging loosely from waist-band of
jeans to jeans-pocket alongwith earrings etc.
There is another group that he says dresses like rock artists. This is
the "biker-macho" group and they wear leathers; have t-shirts with
emblems of Metallica; ACDC; scarf/bandana around the head and wear
accessories, like metallic 'knuckles' etc.
Jigme says that, of his batch, he was the "only" Tibetan who was apart
from these groups and totally uninfluenced by their ways. This, he
says, was the result of his socialization in his Christian school and
also due to values instilled in him by his parents. He was advised
"not to be carried away by the sea or will become like them".
· Language/dialect: the Tibetan youth in the study have a belief that
the parents
 and elders speak 'real' Tibetan whereas students born and brought up
in exile schools speak a "different Tibetan". The former cannot also
speak in English and even Hindi, a fact that, it seems, makes them
'more' Tibetan. Tamdin, "states that,  "I think my father and elders
in my community are 'more Tibetan' than I am because of the fact that
they speak in their own language. My Tibetan (as also the Tibetan
spoken by youngsters of my generation in India) is a different kind of
Tibetan, which has originated in schools. My father and elders of the
community cant write or read Hindi but can speak and understand the
language. They don't understand English".
There are concerns about the declining standards of Tibetan language,
particularly writing skills amongst the new generation of Tibetans due
to faulty pedagogical methods and influence of globalization. Tashi
Dorjee, an ex-student of a Tibetan school, TCV, Bylakuppe, feels that
the Tibetan language is weakening due to "western influences" like
hip-hop songs; TV; clothes upon the youth etc."
· Religion & Lifestyle: Many students regard religion to be an area where a
generation gap exists between the older and the younger generations of
Tibetans, especially in terms of level of adherence to religious
beliefs and performance of daily rituals. While they accept that
religion is also important to them, to their parents, they say, it is
"more important". Differences in lifestyle in exile, particularly,
ways of dressing; utilization of leisure time are also referred to, in
this regard.
· Decline in academic standards: The younger generation of Tibetans are said to
suffer from "declining standards of scholastic achievement" (Norbu,
1994:13), which is attributed to a lack of motivation to study.
Against this, the older generation, it seems, were motivated enough to
excel in education in India, by memories of hardships their parents
had suffered under the Chinese and a strong sense of patriotism
aroused by the 1959 Tibetan uprising. To the third generation of
Tibetans born and brought up in exile, in more or less improved
socio-economic conditions, the former event seems to be, "a mere
memory, if not entirely forgotten" (Norbu, 1994:13).
Students from outside India, like Tibet who come to India for a
'Tibetan' education are supposed to be more motivated and
hard-working, as compared to their counterparts in India who are
supposedly more laid-back as have their parents' sweater-business to
fall back upon.
Lack of Academic Motivation/Competition: Amongst the students, there
is, as pointed out above, also the feeling that Tibetan students
studying in Tibetan schools lack a spirit of competition and have low
motivation to study. As compared to the former, students in Christian
Missionary non-Tibetan schools, it seems, "do better" in terms of
academic performance due to the spirit of competition amongst students
in such schools. Students "from Tibet" (i.e. those who were born in
Tibet), it is believed, have seen "many hardships" and tend to work
harder and do well in school, as compared to those who were born in
India and who got "things easily".
According to Yankyi, a student from a Tibetan school, the reason why
Tibetan students don't do well academically is that they grow up in
'homes' and the foster mother, "did not make us study as hard as our
parents". "Though she may be good, she cannot look after all 40
students well. This is why she thinks; the "lack of focus" is there
amongst Tibetan students.
While they blame the 'system' of teaching-learning in the schools and
lack of parental attention in 'homes' for the decline in motivation to
study, students from non-Tibetan schools feel that students from
Tibetan schools are also to be blamed alongwith the system itself.
Dawa, for instance, thinks, " 90% of Tibetans who pass out of Tibetan
schools, like TCV schools are not serious about their career. The
Government in exile does not get quality work from its people because
of the quality of the education in Tibetan schools in India. In terms
of knowledge of Tibetan culture and language, these schools might be
good but not in terms of preparing for jobs.."
She also feels that they lack motivation to go aboard for higher
studies "they don't have any wishes to go aboard"), they just want to
stay within the community. Their attitude is"yahi rehna hai, kya karna
hai" ("we have to stay here only, why should we bother") Even if they
do go aboard, they do so to earn money, not for study purposes".
Dawa feels that students from Tibetan schools get "things easily" and
suffer from a lack of competitive spirit as compared to students from
non-Tibetan schools. This is the reason why she feels that "children
who go to missionary schools are far better; more brainy; more
mature".
The desire to go aboard for higher studies, for instance, can be seen
in the case of students from non-Tibetan students more clearly (case
of Dawa Dolkar born and brought up in Nainital); to go aboard for work
(case of Tsechu born in a Tibetan settlement in Bir, Himachal pradesh
and Chime brought up in Mussoorie) or even, in some, cases, to apply
for naturalization in India. They have as many, if not more, Indian
friends in college, some of them from school-time.
Tibetan students born in Tibet, Nepal, Bhutan etc who have received
education in Tibetan schools in India, unlike students born in India,
did not express any such wish (to apply for naturalization in India).
While going aboard for work is an option, they all seem to believe in
the dream of 'real autonomy' becoming a reality in the future and are
content to live as refugees till then. They also desire to largely
stay within the folds of the Tibetan community in India, even while
looking for jobs either in India or in "parents' home" in Nepal or
Bhutan.

Identities; Aspirations & Dilemmas of Tibetan youth in Delhi
Despite the existence of the above-mentioned intra-group diversities
amongst Tibetan youth in Delhi, a strong sense of political identity,
manifested in the desire to fight for the cause of Rangzen or even
'real autonomy' seemed evident amongst all the Tibetan youth in the
study. Narratives of Tibetan youth in the study reflect a strong sense
of political and ethnic identity- an awareness of intra-group
differences that is, voluntarily given precedence over their
'national' identity as one, homogeneous group-Tibetan.
Influences of forces of westernization and influence of the host
country on the ways of life and aspirations of the younger generations
of Tibetans can also be seen at the same time. They seem to be drawn
towards modern education; careers and dreams of economic mobility.
Interviews with some of these students reflect western as well as
Indian cultural influences on tastes in music; movies; food;
television soaps etc all of which seem to combine to define their
multiple and shifting youth identities that have as their "core", a
Tibetan identity.
They spoke about their 'stereotyping' and demands placed upon their
identities and expectations for them to conform to the one single
'true' definition of Tibetan identity by 'outsiders'. That every
Tibetan does not have to be a vegetarian Lama dressed in a traditional
chubba that in this hot weather, it would be 'madness' to be dressed
in chubbas all the time! They asserted that just because they seem to
be 'westernized' in their choice of clothes, music etc does not mean
that they are 'losing' their identity and are not Tibetan enough.
Analogies often tend to be drawn by them between their situation and
that of the Jews. As Monlam puts it, "Tibetanness is in the blood of
every Tibetan, even as a child as one learns and knows 'Om Mane Padme
Hum'. Like the Jews have Sabbath every Friday, it's the same with us.
It is part of our culture and we are comfortable living like this". He
says that he usually wears a rosary and chants, "wherever possible",
in a bus while travelling etc.He says that he also wears beaded
bracelets and other accessories "for fashion, but that does not mean
that I become less of a Tibetan". "I try to "flow with the trend", he
adds.
There are assertions by all the youth that jeans; t-shirts; sneakers
and accessories like chains; bracelets etc are 'just for fashion'.
Posters of sportstars like Beckham; Ronaldo and rock and pop stars
like Shakira and Enrique are proudly pasted on their hostel room walls
alongwith framed pictures of the Dalai Lama. There is no contradiction
there, while they 'like' the stars, the Dalai Lama is their
'everything' - the reason for their very survival. While the number of
prostrations before his photograph (alongwith that of Buddhist deities
like Tara; Manjushri etc) might have reduced considerably as compared
to their years in school, religion is 'important' to them, though not
as important as compared to their parents. All of them are very clear
about having Tibetans as their marriage partners - as it amounts to
preserving their 'heritage' in exile. While those from non-Tibetan
schools might seem to be more adventurous and experimentative while
hanging around with non-Tibetan friends and even while dating, choice
of a marriage partner is considered as 'serious' matter with a person
from the same cultural and ideological background being 'preferred'
over an 'outsider'.  Whatever the elders in the community or even the
Tibetan government in exile might say, the Tibetan youth in the study
seemed to be very conscious of their responsibilities towards their
cause of preserving their identity in exile as seeds of future Tibet
and were vocal about expressing the same.
They also accepted the fact that differences can exist amongst them
and that they can still be very much 'Tibetan' at heart. Monlam, an
ex- student of a Tibetan school for instance, is proud of his
Tibettanness and also of his regional identity ie Khampa and kinship
ties or (Nangchen) identity. As he puts it, "I will certainly say that
I am Tibetan. But I am also a Khampa with a Nangchen identity".
Dawa, is Convent educated, yet says with pride, "Tibetanness is
something that is inherent within you; "koi nehi le sakta hai" ("no
one can take it away from you").
Choice of food; movies; music for them seems to be a delightful mix of
Indian; Tibetan and western (sometimes even Nepalese and Bhutanese,
depending upon the place of residence of their parents). When
questioned about their identity, however, there is always an
immediate, non-hesitant, proud answer-'Tibetan'! Combination of the
influence of above cultures is seen as not leading to contradictions
but as enhancing their innate identities as Tibetan. Parallels are
drawn easily (between Indian and Tibetan youth) with depiction of the
former in the movie 'Rang De Basanti' as easygoing and directionless
(in the first half of the movie). There is the self-critical view that
many of them, specially those who have been born and brought up in
exile with their parents, have everything easy and have the easygoing
and aimless attitude (towards their life and towards 'fighting' for
Tibet's cause) as the Indians in RDB initially had. There's Pasang who
says, "Just like in the movie, they don't do anything to change the
system, just say that the system is not working".
There are tentative admissions that they youth 'may be getting
influenced' by 'outside' cultures, western as well as Indian and also
forgetting their traditional Tibetan language (specially writing as
tend to get 'out of practice' after school) but there is also the
definite assertion that these changes are 'superficial' and that
'deep-down' they are all Tibetan at heart.  Their identities, thus,
come across as hybrid; fluid; shifting and multiple, with Tibetan ness
as the core component. Tibettanness here can be said to consist of a
combination of certain diverse elements, primarily being: a strong
feeling of Tibetan nationalism or political identity; realization of
the urgent need for preservation of their cultural and linguistic
heritage in exile; adulation and veneration of the Dalai Lama;
importance of religion of Tibetan Buddhism in their lives.
Alongwith aspirations to do 'something for Tibet', all the youth in
the study seemed to be facing dilemmas as to choice of a career after
their graduation in Delhi University. One major difference that was
noted amongst the youth was in terms of aspirations of Tibetan youth
from Tibetan schools and those from non-Tibetan schools. There was a
general feeling amongst the former to stick to finding work 'within'
the Tibetan community - their years of living a closed, sheltered life
in residential Tibetan schools was often given as the reason for this
desire. On the other hand, students from Indian public schools;
convents etc seemed to be more adventurous and at ease with finding
jobs 'outside' the Tibetan community- either in bigger, Indian cities,
like Delhi or even aboard.
1.Dilemmas in Choice of Career: Most of the students seemed to be
facing dilemmas to what to do after graduation. All of them suggested
the need for more job-placement and career-guidance workshops in the
Tibetan Youth hostel to help students make proper choices.
Most of Tibetan students from Tibetan schools aspire to work for the
Tibetan Government in exile, in its various departments as
administrators or as teachers in the Tibetan schools that they have
passed out from. Other options mentioned by students were: workings in
call centers; applying for post-graduation in Jawaharlal Nehru
University; Delhi University or even aboard, in case of scholarship or
if they have siblings/relatives aboard; getting enrolled in computer
courses, like Multimedia; courses in journalism etc.
2. Dilemma about returning to Tibet or staying in India: Students from
Tibet, who have relatives/family, seemed to be facing the dilemma of
going back to Tibet or staying back in India, after graduation. Though
the desire seems to be there, they also fear arrest
and persecution by the Chinese government, especially if they have
participated in anti-China demonstrations in India. Many of such
students have had no contact or limited contact (through letters sent
through visiting relatives/friends etc) with their parents/family in
Tibet. Years of schooling in India amidst Tibetan friends and elders
(school staff) gives rise to close bonding with the former, while
relationships with the biological 'family' becomes 'strange'. One of
the students spoken with expressed the dilemma in poignant words
spoken, straight from the heart. Confiding in me, he spoke of how he
was secretly 'smuggled' to India by his parents to study as there was
"no scope in Tibet" for a proper education based on Tibetan culture
and religion. As he puts it, "my parents sent me to enable me to get
blessings from His Holiness the Dalai Lama (whose existence I was
never even aware of at that time; I did not know who he is as I was
never told) and to receive an education based on Tibetan culture and
language as it was not available in TAR. My parents sent me when they
got to know (with great difficulty) that His Holiness the Dalai Lama
is running schools for the "future seeds" of Tibet in India".He
studied in a residential school in Dharamsala. Today, he is caught
between the horns of a major dilemma in his life. After ten years of
no contact with him, his parents had believed him to be dead. When he
was in his plus-two, they could finally establish contact with him,
ever since they have been asking him to come back to Tibet. They want
to see him "before they die", they say and they also do not want him
"to die on foreign soil". He obviously wants to be with his parents
but is also very close to his Tibetan teachers and friends in India
with whom he has grown up and who are advising him not to go to Tibet.
A part of him is also scared of his life being endangered in Tibet, if
he caught by the Chinese authorities (as has actively taken part in
protest demonstrations against China). He also has educational
aspirations of pursuing a Masters in International Relations from
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. He is also toying with the
idea of going to Tibet for one year and then coming back as the
scholarship provided by the Department of Education to him recognizes
a gap-year after graduation and can also continue to receive it after
coming back.
He is proud of his Tibetan identity. Like all of the youth
interviewed, the most important role model to him is His Holiness the
Dalai Lama followed by Martin Luther King and Mahatma Gandhi. There
are others, like him who would 'ideally' like to go back to meet with
family/friends or just 'to see Tibet' and come back for higher
education or for jobs in India ('preferably with the with the Tibetan
government in exile) but are scared of being caught and persecuted in
Tibet by the Chinese government as 'spies' of the 'splittist' group.
Identities & Aspirations in motion: I have tried to look at identities
of the Tibetan
youth in Delhi from a Sociological perspective as an on-going,
continual process rather than as a finished product. Alongwith their
present experiences and lives in the city of Delhi, the years of
schooling- of lived experiences of growing up in the company of
friends and teachers (and in some case also with parents and
community), I believe, are also very important as they seem to have
moulded and forged a major sense of their feelings of belongingness
and identities. In this respect, the 'Tibetan' atmosphere of Tibetan
schools in India and the 'non-Tibetan' atmosphere of non-Tibetan
schools are both important and have been explored. Memories and
stories as constructed from elders' voices about the past are
important alongwith life experiences in exile. The move to the big
Indian city of New Delhi for pursuing their graduation amounts to a
major turning point /shift in their lives as it involves a move from
protected, sheltered and routinised lives in Tibetan schools to a life
'on their own'.  As pointed out in an earlier posting, life in the
city leads to their identities becoming influenced by diverse western,
Indian and 'popular' urban youth culture - a hallmark of cities.
Tibetanness, however, seems to remain the 'core' element of their
individual and collective identities- forged in school and reaffirmed
and strengthened by 'routine' protest marches organized by the
Regional Tibetan Youth Congress in Delhi; celebration of Tibetan New
Year and other festivities in the Tibetan Youth Hostel etc.  There are
also times, however, when in the absence of such re-affirming and
reassuring public demonstrations for affinity towards Tibet's cause,
the youth behave and act out lives as similar to that of youth in a
city anywhere else in the world and want to be accepted as such.
Merging with the rest of the young, urban crowd, they can be seen
wearing similar western and even Indian outfits (chubbas being worn
largely by Tibetan girls and on traditional occasions like Losar or
Tibetan New Year); eating the usual grub at McDonalds after college or
the college/hostel canteen; watching a similar array of Hollywood and
Bollywood movies, loving Hindi film songs and dances and also western
rock; pop; reggae and hip-hop numbers; and film stars (Shahrukh Khan;
Aamir Khan - after RDB seem to be hot favourite alongwith Richard
Gere- not so much for his acting abilities as due to his association
with Tibet's cause also, Rani Mukherjee; Aishwarya Rai; Angelina Jolie
etc) , thus, becoming part of a global youth culture that eclipses
differences amongst them.
As Dawa , a student of Political Science at Hindu College wonders, "It
is strange but I see the Tibetan spirit only when I go for Tibetan
protests and gatherings. If we are just sitting like this or just
hanging around "toh lagta hi nehi hai ki koi feelings hain" ("it just
does not feel like there are any feelings").
Dawa believes that "the Tibetan identity seems to be fading away"
amongst the youth and that more social gatherings and workshops should
be held to motivate Tibetan youth "to study hard; to be proud of the
fact that they are Tibetans".
She breaks off, adding, "We really feel inspired by people like you
who are so much interested in our cause. If you can, why not we?".

The complexity of identities; aspirations and dilemmas that Tibetan
youth in Delhi seem to embody, thus, seems to come across to me as a
colourful and diverse mosaic that is interesting as much as it is
complex, deserving careful scrutiny that I have been working upon!

Warm Wishes,
Mallica