[Reader-list] Article: Beirut Witnesses Biggest Rally in its History

[Mansour Aziz]

(Draft--not for circulation)

Beirut Witnesses Biggest Rally in its History

Miriyam Aouragh
Monday, December 11, 2006

The mood in Beirut was tensed for almost a week, especially after a
young Shia anti-government protester was killed by allegedly
pro-government youth. But yesterday seemed like one big festival of
resistance, reminding me of the great antiwar protests and European
Social Forum gatherings. The opposition and their supporters are
demanding the formation of a national unity government and a halt to
American influence. As the protests intensified since last week, it
culminated in this largest political rally ever in the history of
Lebanon.

Despite the gigantic turnout yesterday, Western media seemed rather to
deny the political and symbolic significance. While attempting to
reach Martyr Square for the protests, the more than 1,5 million
protestors pressured the Mobile Network systems and stop all
connection for hours. In Lebanese standards this means around 2/5
citizens were in Beirut to protest, or roughly a quarter of the
countries population. Even if it were half this number, it was no
wonder the streets were near to empty in the rest of the country's
cities and at least 3 of Beirut's big public sites were required to
host the men, women and children. As any possible entrance and exist
to squares seemed to endlessly dwell more and more people, several
things raised my attention. First of all, the repeated demand for
Lebanon PM Siniora to resign during the highly politicised discourse
of the platform speakers, conversations of protestors alike.
Especially the links between the government and America and the weak
answer to Israel's assault raised much discontent.

Sheikh Naim Kassem, Hezbollah's deputy after Nasrallah held one of the
strongest speeches evoking massive response from the crowds and "This
government will not take Lebanon to the abyss again …. Siniora, you
will not be able to rule this country with an American
Administration." was welcomed by ululations and drums. Secondly, the
composition of the participants was unique in its very mixed
manifestation.

Having followed the Western media before coming to Lebanon, it seems
rather outlandish how they continue to portray this weeks protests as
merely a "Pro-Syrian Hezbollah coup attempt"—had it been an Eastern
European country, hell would have broke loose and a new 'orange
revolution' baptised, live on CNN and BBC of course. Anyone at the
protests could see it the reports on Lebanon are a grave
misrepresentation, making it the first every coup in history that is
comprised of 2 million people, for ever altering the meaning of
'coup'.

Sundays protest was also a highly mixed gathering gender, age and
religion wise. The high participation of Christians Aoun supporters
was for example unseen before as major part of the Christian community
shifted and now speak out for Aoun against right wing Lebanese Forces
leader Ja'Ja' whose violent history numbed many. It was normal to find
groups of teenagers playing darbouka drums and dancing, next to veiled
women feeding their children, students smoking argila and debating in
circles, men praying together elsewhere, people passing in
wheelchairs, fashionably dressed girls on high heels. And striking
were the many female organisers, stewards and journalists present,
shattering much of the mantra's on backward Arab women's oppression,
and equal Western  women's emancipation.

But of course not everybody is merely moving as a flock of sheep
behind the political leaders. After talking with some of the
activists, it became clear there is also critical debate within this
strong unity. People question for example how long this climax can
last; what are Nasrallah and Aoun's interests once they get their way
and what do they think of privatisation?; what will happen if the
current government succeed to divide and rule the people? Especially
the last issue is still a risk in Lebanon's sensitive political map.
But as activist and one of the main organisers of Samidoun network
during the war in the summer explained "With the strong urbanisation,
and demographic and class composition changed over the last 30 years,
also the interests and (artificial) hegemony of the different regional
and religious sects witness a change which should be taken into
account."

Troops continue to guard government offices and main traffic junctions
but it seems like people are not very impressed, or had simple gone
used to it. Indeed, while hundreds shouted 'Siniora Out!' 'We want a
government for all, not just for the rich!" there are rumours that the
protests might spark a civil war, but the mass protests has in fact
been peaceful. The Shia, Sunni and Christian clerics and politicians
repeatedly pointed at unity and crossing all sectarian divisions,
these expressions were welcomed by massive applause and cheers. To be
honest, one rather gets afraid sitting at home alone and listening to
the establishment continuously warning for sectarian conflicts and
civil. Because the atmosphere on the streets, in the camping tents,
and at rallies this week, were actually very pleasant, safe with a
comradely open atmosphere.

Lebanon's internal political enemies saw several 'showdowns' since the
assassination of Rafiq Hariri, but with the latest non-violent mass
protest, it is dangerous for the Lebanese government and its Western
allies to treat these protests as marginal, yet again alienating
itself from the people. The protests are due to be followed by
indefinite sit-ins, blockades of the highway road to the airport, and
possible strikes now that several unions support the anti-government
protest. If there is not going to be a civil war or violent internal
sectarian strive as some automatic 'Lebanese reflex', than for
Ghassan: "it is most probably going to signify and introduce a shift
from the old sectarian system because the majority of the people now
simply says they don't want it anymore." And more so interesting; as
the working and lower-middle classes dominate at the protests, unlike
the pro Hariri protests, their often expressed economic demands cannot
just be waved off as meaningless for the 'national' agenda. The course
of the protests will have to show how the developments will balance,
for now the opposition as a whole share a common interest to rid the
government.