[Reader-list] nandi gram: lessons and challenges (from m.l.)
TaraPrakash
taraprakash at gmail.com
Sat Nov 24 18:55:04 IST 2007
Nandigram-III: Lessons and Challenges
CPIML, Editorial from Liberation, December 2007
The year 2007 will be remembered as the year when the CPI(M) completely
unmasked itself in the mirror of Nandigram. If January 2007 was re-enacted
in March,
November witnessed a brutal replay of the atrocities perpetrated in March
2007. Each time the operation has been more lethal and barbaric than the
previous
episode. If in March, the massacre was perpetrated under the joint auspices
of the police force and armed marauders patronized by the party, in November
the CPI(M) chose to keep the police in the background letting the party's
armed machinery be in exclusive charge of the entire operation. But sure
enough,
on every occasion, the killings have been preceded by categorical commands
from some central leaders of the CPI(M).
The March 14-15 mayhem had followed in the wake of a televised threat issued
by CPI(M) Central Committee member and peasant association leader Benoy
Konar
to make Nandigram a "living hell". Likewise, the November killings too were
forewarned by none other than Brinda Karat, CPI(M) Polit Bureau member and
Rajya Sabha MP when she publicly advocated "Dumdum dawai" (direct physical
action) to silence Nandigram.
What cruel jokes history can play! The expression "Dumdum dawai" had gained
popular currency in Bengal in the course of the food movement of the 1960s
when
the Left-led masses administered this medicine of physical action against
hoarders and profiteers. Today once again, West Bengal is in the throes of a
powerful food movement, and this time the movement is directed against the
CPI(M)-led government and the nexus of corrupt PDS dealers, panchayat
functionaries,
middlemen and government officials that is almost invariably identified with
and blessed by the CPI(M). There is also another dimension to the "Dumdum
dawai" irony. Rural women have visibly been in the forefront of the
Singur-Nandigram resistance, and they have also had to bear the brunt of the
barbaric
repression unleashed by the state-CPI(M) combine. The "Dumdum dawai"
advocated by the 'firebrand' women's leader of the CPI(M) has been duly
delivered
in the form of more abuse, rapes and killings directed at the brave and
fighting women of Nandigram.
A comparative study of the post-incident statements of West Bengal Chief
Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee will also be in order. After Nandigram-I,
the
CM said it was wrong on the part of the Haldia Development Authority to
issue the notice announcing the impending acquisition of land. He asked for
the
HDA land acquisition notice to be torn and consigned to the waste-paper
basket. Following Nandigram-II, he said the 'incident' was unfortunate and
as Chief
Minister he owned all moral responsibility (without of course taking any
concrete corrective step except withdrawing the SEZ proposal). The same CM
has
now greeted Nandigram-III as a case of tit-for-tat justice: "they have been
paid back in their own coin!"
The timing of the operation is also worth noting. Nandigram-III happened at
a time when the whole of West Bengal was immersed in Kalipuja-Dipavali
festivities.
The focus of the media had already shifted to other issues – Rizwanur's
'mysterious death' in particular. As for the discourse concerning Nandigram,
debates
had veered around the need for deployment of central paramilitary forces
with the State Government itself requesting the Centre for CRPF battalions.
In
fact, while the operation was on, CRPF jawans were already on their way to
Nandigram, but the actual posting was delayed by the district administration
and the CPI(M) machinery till "Operation Nandigrab" came to a temporary
conclusion! Meanwhile, activists and mediapersons trying to enter Nandigram
also
got a taste of Brinda's "Dumdum dawai" concoction.
The CPI(M) may well believe that it has now conclusively won the battle of
Nandigram. With only a few months to go before the forthcoming panchayat
elections,
it may reasonably calculate that it has now sufficiently galvanized its
'electoral machinery'. But there are indications galore that it has already
lost
heavily in the larger war of Nandigram. Inside West Bengal, the CPI(M)'s
mass isolation has reached a new high as demonstrated so visibly by the
unprecedented
scale and composition of the November 14 dhikkar michhil (march of the
people condemning the CPI(M) and its government and congratulating the
fighting
people of Singur and Nandigram). From the Governor and High Court to the
media and intelligentsia to its own partners in the Left Front – the CPI(M)
now
has to direct its barbs almost at everybody except its own poor shadow in
West Bengal.
In many ways, the pattern of ossification and degeneration of the CPI(M)
rule in West Bengal resembles the East European syndrome. For an authentic
and
moving description of the signs of degeneration of the 'Left' powerlords of
West Bengal, one does not have to go any farther than veteran Marxist
economist
and writer Ashok Mitra. In one of his recent articles, Mitra has even gone
to the extent of comparing the ruling CPI(M) in Buddahadeb's dispensation to
the anti-social dominated Congress of the 1970s in Siddhartha Shankar Ray's
regime. The veteran Marxist is alarmed that this degeneration may well pave
the way for some sort of reactionary and even fascist revival in West
Bengal. Yet Mitra has no hope of a Left and democratic resurgence in West
Bengal
and his only weapon against the rotten present and a frightening future is
an 'appeal' to the CPI(M) central leadership to read the writing on Kolkata
walls.
At the other end of this spectrum of disillusionment are activists and
intellectuals who either harbour fond hopes of 'democratising' and
'radicalising'
Mamata Banerjee or see a resurgent civil society as the panacea for all that
ails Bengal.
We beg to differ from both these approaches. While fully sharing the anguish
of Ashok Mitra and wholeheartedly welcoming the new-found activism of the
civil
society, we firmly believe that the need of the hour is to reorient the Left
movement in the country along revolutionary lines. The CPI(M) leaders who
camouflage their capitulation to capital and capitalism as
'development-oriented class struggle' and seek to justify the serial
massacres and continuous
bloodletting in Nandigram in the name of 'peace, justice and democracy' are
doing an unpardonable disservice to the entire Left and democratic camp in
the country. The Left movement therefore needs a bold new direction and a
new leadership. Indeed, from the fighting rural poor of West Bengal to the
progressive
student community of JNU, the yearning for a radical alternative can be felt
everywhere. Let us do all we can to strengthen this alternative direction
and back it with an alternative framework of Left and democratic unity.
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