[Reader-list] India’s Myanmar Policy: Is there a credible China factor?
Anivar Aravind
anivar.aravind at gmail.com
Wed Oct 3 08:51:32 IST 2007
India’s Myanmar Policy: Is there a credible China factor?
Dr.TT Sreekumar
http://lankaguardian.blogspot.com/2007/10/indias-myanmar-policy-is-there-credible_02.html
Nevertheless, the situation is problematic in a crucial way. Visiting
Myanmar meant lending economic support to the junta. But campaigning for
boycotting Burma leading to decreased visitations meant adding to the
miseries of vulnerable communities, particularly marginalized women who
probably have no other economic avenue to depend on. Tourism is a major
source of income for rural communities and millions depended on it for
their everyday survival. This is the micro political economy of Burmese
freedom struggle.
(October, 02, Singapore, Lanka Guardian) India’s lukewarm response to
the current crackdown on the democracy movement in Myanmar is explained
by diplomatic circles as conditioned by a compelling need to protect
India’s interests in the changing regional politics characterized by
growing Chinese hegemony. The explanation begs two interrelated
questions: What do we normally mean by India's interest and how do we
understand/situate the China factor in India's foreign policy?
If the logic of India's reluctance to support the democracy movement is
guided by the motivation of protecting its own interest as a reaction to
Chinese policy, then it looks quite contradictory and beckons to unpack
the whole 'China factor' in India's contemporary foreign policy practices.
'China factor' has also been highlighted as playing a role in India's
attempts to move away from the non alignment politics of the post
colonial period as much as the fall of USSR, and of cold war and
emergence of uni-polar US hegemony. Most recently, in the discourses on
the Indo-US nuclear deal's implications, coalition of the left parties
have been put to task for their failure to explain the stand taken by
China on the nuclear issue. India's position, it is argued, should be
analyzed in the context of China's nuclear ambitions and military
strategies.
However, the way in which Indian regime negotiates the China factor,
whether imaginary or real, has been contradictory. This has become
evident in its diverging positions on the democracy movements in two
neighboring countries Nepal and Burma.
In Nepal, when Beijing in an intriguing maneuvering of regional
politics, supported the Gyanedra Dictatorship, invited him to Beijing
and extended military support to the monarchy, covert and overt support
from India was given to the democracy movement. US support to the
movement was then viewed as a positive development, disregarding its
long run consequences for the political and economic integrity of the
countries in South Asia.
If we depend on an adhoc and post facto framework to justify India's
foreign policy, the incoherence and contradictions can probably be
wished away. Otherwise there are important inconsistencies and ironies
that require further explanation. It is both in the interest of India
and the people of Burma, that India should support the democracy
movement as it did in the case of Nepal. What does one mean by India's
interest? The ethical question is ultimately more important if by
'India's interest' one means furthering democracy in the region as well
in India. This has both a macro and micro dimension. Systematically
building up deep economic ties with a country that has a questionable
political record and later using this newfangled relationship as a
justification for the silences against its increasingly unbearable
atrocities, is a tactics that can at best be seen as a pale imitation of
the US super power policy everywhere in the world.
The 'micro' dimension is also ethically significant. I have myself felt
this while finally deciding to visit Myanmar sometime back. Civil
society organizations challenging inequitable tourism practices had been
debating the whole issue of the implications of 'visiting Myanmar. The
junta was carefully opening its doors for tourists to show the world
that everything is normal in the country. Moreover, the dilemma was
accentuated by the fact the income from tourism is emerging as a crucial
source of foreign exchange when sanctions were straggling its
threateningly fragile economic base. Indigenous communities are paraded-
literally-it is called indigenous fashion parade-for the gaze of the
tourist. Myanmar's dependence on tourism is further exacerbated by the
relative retardation of other productive sectors. Kachin, Kayyan,
Palong, Wa, Bao, Rawang, Moon, Lahoo, Lushan. Lisoo and even the Shan
from China are paraded in a blatant commoditization of culture and space
in contemporary Myanmar.
Nevertheless, the situation is problematic in a crucial way. Visiting
Myanmar meant lending economic support to the junta. But campaigning for
boycotting Burma leading to decreased visitations meant adding to the
miseries of vulnerable communities, particularly marginalized women who
probably have no other economic avenue to depend on. Tourism is a major
source of income for rural communities and millions depended on it for
their everyday survival. This is the micro political economy of Burmese
freedom struggle.
This is precisely the context where India's silence becomes
objectionable from the point of view of global civil society. India has
to recognize the right of the Burmese people to oppose the military
junta and help them regain 'Burma' from 'Myanmar'. This is a
responsibility that cannot be compromised either in the name of ties
with the junta or the Chinese factor. This is not only in the interest
of India, but also in the best interest of building stable democracies
in the region.
Interestingly, China and ASEAN have also now come down heavily on the
crackdown. How long can India remain silent?
(The writer is an Assistant Professor, Communication & New Media
Programme ,Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences ,National University of
Singapore. Email-sreekumartt at gmail.com .)
PS:The new column "Asian Mirror” will be written by Dr.T.T. Sreekumar.
Our editorial team chose the name of the column in consultation with Dr.
T.T. Sreekumar, who sent his good wishes to the Lanka Guardian.
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