[Reader-list] CPI(M) on Nuclear Deal

prakash ray pkray11 at gmail.com
Tue Sep 4 11:37:31 IST 2007


*Sitaram Yechury (Rajya Sabha MP and member, CPI(M) Politburo) on Nuclear
Deal*

Bashing the Left for its opposition to the Indo-US civilian nuclear deal
has, indeed, become the flavour of the month. I have the prerogative to be
the sole exception to this among those occupying this column space. While it
would be a pleasure to meet the arguments of our detractors, much of the
attack on the Left has, unfortunately, been based on age-old prejudices and
not reason. A substantial section of the media continues to conduct a
malignant disinformation campaign.

In this context, I am reminded of the following joke told originally by my
maternal uncle. The Pope once decided to send a bishop on a goodwill mission
to the US, warning him to be careful of the American media given their
reputation. Upon arrival in New York, the bishop, besieged by the media, was
asked if his itinerary included a visit to a nightclub. Recollecting the
Pope's warning, he dodged the question retorting, "Are there nightclubs in
New York?" The next morning, the papers screamed, "Arriving Bishop's first
question: Are there nightclubs in New York?"

B Raman, a former senior officer of India's intelligence apparatus,
slanderously wrote on this page (*The Manchurian candidates*, August 21)
that the Left's campaign against India's nuclear deal is "driven by China's
concerns". He alleges that I, personally, had forced this government to
order the issue of visas to 1,000 Chinese engineers. This allegation bears
not an iota of substance, and nothing can be more preposterous. He further
wrote how on the walls of Calcutta, the Marxists painted 'China's Chairman
is our Chairman' as graffiti. Now, everyone knows that it was the slogan of
the Naxalites at the height of their campaign against the Marxists. With
such disinformation guiding our intelligence apparatus in the past, it is no
wonder that we lost two Prime Ministers to assassins and continue to pay a
heavy price due to intelligence lapses, the latest being the recent
terrorist blasts in Hyderabad. Thanks to small mercies, this gentleman has
now retired.

Be that as it may, those who know of the CPI(M)'s birth and history  will
know that for nearly two decades both the international Communist giants —
the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of China —
opposed the CPI(M)'s policies  from different perspectives. The CPI(M)'s
policy directions are always determined by its own perceptions of what is in
the interest of India and its people. Those who are willing to eagerly
surrender India's sovereignty to US imperialism will do well to refrain from
offering unsolicited advice and certificates of patriotism.  If our
detractors are worthy of character and substance, then they ought to meet
our arguments on their merits, not through perfidy.

It was aggressively argued in these very columns that any attempt to cap
India's nuclear strategic capabilities will immensely benefit both China and
Pakistan. Who, may we ask, is vigorously pursuing  this Indo-US nuclear deal
which, we are told, will limit India's strategic capacities, thus, providing
advantage to our neighbours? Could I, then allege that those advancing this
deal are acting at the behest of China and Pakistan?

Such slander apart, we are charged with preventing India's energy
augmentation by opposing this deal. India's current power generation is 127
gigawatts (gw). At the current rates of GDP growth, this needs to grow to
337 gw by 2016-17. There is no doubt that if this is not achieved, India's
pace of development would be severely restricted. The moot question,
however, is whether nuclear energy expansion is the only or the best option
that we have today?

In 2006, 3.9 gw of nuclear  power was generated, 3 per cent of India's total
power generation. In the most optimistic scenario, after the
operationalisation of this deal, this would grow, at best, to 20 gw by 2016,
or just over 6 per cent of the projected generation.
Further, is nuclear power cost-effective? On the contrary, it is the most
expensive option. As compared to coal, it would be one-and-a-half times more
expensive. Compared with gas, it is twice as expensive. So is the case with
hydro-electricity.

Given the abundance of coal reserves in India, the Planning Commission
estimates that thermal energy would dominate power generation in India. As
far as hydro-electricity is concerned, given the potential of nearly 150 gw,
only 33 gw has been installed as of 2006. In addition, over 55,000 MW could
be imported from Nepal and Bhutan. The tapping of such huge hydro-potential
will not only augment our energy capacities at half the cost of nuclear
energy, but will also tame these rivers, which regularly consume the lives
of thousands. This year's floods according to the United Nations, are
'unprecedented' in human memory.
Thus, the government's argument that the Indo-US nuclear deal is to augment
our energy resources sounds untenable. Huge commercial orders running into
thousands of crores of rupees for the purchase of nuclear reactors would be
placed on the US. The profit bonanza to multinational corporations is there
for all to see with the attendant benefits to sections of corporate India.
Recollect that for more than three decades the West has not installed new
nuclear power reactors. Is India then actually going in for this deal to
bolster US economic interests? If the same amount of resources were to be
spent on generating power through hydro, thermal, gas, clean non-renewable
and solar electricity, India's energy augmentation would be many times
higher. Thus, the nuclear deal not only exposes India to greater
vulnerability, it drains a huge amount of our scarce resources.

Apart from drawing India into the US strategic military alliances in the
region like the forthcoming joint military exercises with the US, Japan,
Australia and Singapore, and the effort at pressurising India's foreign
policy positions, this deal does not even guarantee full and complete access
to civilian nuclear technology as assured by the Prime Minister in the Rajya
Sabha. In fact, the 123 agreement forbids the transfer of dual-use
technologies. The assurances of uninterrupted fuel supplies  also break down
if the 123 agreement is terminated. The 123 itself explicitly states that
the national laws will prevail upon termination, meaning, the Hyde Act.
India would be subjected to international safeguards in perpetuity even
after the 123 is terminated.

These have substantive implications for India's sovereignty in the future.
Instead of meeting these issues, a web of fabrications based on so-called
extra-territorial loyalties  of the Left is woven. It should be remembered
that the Left, on many occasions, set the agenda for modern India. Apart
from many others, militant peasant struggles at the time of our independence
brought the issue of land reforms on to the centrestage. Like also the issue
of linguistic re-organisation of the states, through the movements of
Vishalandhra, Aikya Kerala and Samyukta Maharashtra.

In this current conjuncture in the post-bipolar Cold War world, the natural
tendency in international relations is for the movement towards
multi-polarity. US imperialism seeks to  subvert this by imposing a
unipolarity under its tutelage. India's role in the comity of nations will
be determined by its championing of multi-polarity and its traditional
leadership role of the developing countries. Any alignment with US
imperialism to impose unipolarity will dissolve India's distinctiveness in
world politics. This is precisely what the Left seeks to prevent in the
interests of India and its people.

Meet us on our arguments as we return to our beleaguered bishop.  Badly
bruised by the media, at his first public lecture, he appealed to
mediapersons that his repertoire of anecdotes is limited as he comes from a
small Italian village, hence,  these should not be reported. He was happy
that the media agreed. Only to be aghast, the next morning to read, "Bishop
tells many stories, all unprintable!"
**
*Sitaram Yechury is a Rajya Sabha MP and member, CPI(M) Politburo.*



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