[Reader-list] Hindu Muslim relations in Kashmir by Dr. Rattan Lal Hangloo

[Kashmir Affairs]

Glimpses of Hindu-Muslim Relations in Kashmir

 

Rattan Lal Hangloo

(March 2008)

[www.kashmiraffairs.org]
http://www.kashmiraffairs.org/hangloo_hindu_muslim_relations_in_kashmir.html


Transcending
from their animistic traditions, Kashmiris have changed and adopted
many religions over the centuries. Stemming from various tribes in
antiquity, they became Buddhists and contributed significantly in
spreading it across China and Central Asia. From 4th century
A.D., while Buddhism was on the wane, they evolved region specific
Shaivism, (Agamas) Vaishnavite, Tantric, Shakta traditions and Mother
Goddess cults. 



>From tenth century A.D., Islamic influences began to permeate with
increasing presence of Turks, Persians and Arabs who entered as
soldiers, craftsmen, traders and Sufis. In 14th
century A.D., Kashmiris increasingly turned towards Islam at popular
level and became Muslims as majority community. Most of the converts
came from popular base, including the peasants, craftsmen and other
professions. Those who continued to adhere to the Shaivism began to be termed as Pandits. Even though the conversion process from Hinduism to Islam continued, 14th
century A.D. marks a watershed in Hindu-Muslim relations. The
examination of historical sources establishes the fact that barring
some stray instances of force, the conversion was voluntary.
Consequently, one does not come across a single piece of evidence
illustrating public protest against the conversions. 



In Kashmir, the first use of the term Hindukas was employed by the Sanskrit chronicler Jonaraja in early 15th
century. Until then the Hindus were as Buddhists, Shavites,
Vaishnavites, Tantriks, Shaktas, and worshipers of varied mother
Goddess and other cults. On many occasions Buddhists and Shavites
clashed with each other very brutally. This was the case with other
cults which ultimately got incorporated into Hinduism. 



This needs to be emphasized that religion was perceived from a
different perspective in medieval times than at present.  Thought, the
basic religious scriptures of both Muslims and Hindus were same, the 
public perception and practice of religion varied. Until most recent
times the majority of Kashmiri people in both the communities, were
illiterate with no  access to their scriptures.  Therefore, their
understanding of religion was limited, occasionally tutored by their
priestly. These priests rarely shared a moment with the vast community
except on the occasions of death or a few other ceremonies. To see
large crowds of worshipers both Hindus and Muslims in their respective
spaces listening to sermons of their preachers and teachers is a recent
phenomenon.



In
my village Hangalgund, in Anantnag, also known as Islamabad, there were
around fifty Hindu and thirty Muslim families. Majority of them had
neither the time nor the scriptural understanding of their respective
religions. The Muslims were professionally divided and this division
was reflected in their practice of religion as well. Pandits lived in
the centre of the village.  On the southern border of the village were
the Muslims who ran water mills or Greata hence called Greata Waeli.
The northern border was inhabited by less than dozen of peasant
families with one of them also engaged in tailoring. The western side
was taken by more than a dozen houses of Dombes, who  sold their labour
like freemen in Western Europe. They were treated as the lowest
category by their fellow Muslims and therefore faced wide
discrimination; they could never smoke the same hookah or share
the same space or a meal with the other two groups in the village. As
if it was not enough, the water-millers and peasants along with the
tailor family would not allow Dombes to participate in their social
occasions like marriages etc.  Their question of going to mosque did
not arise at all. In Rajatarangini, Kalhana calls Dombes as
lowest among the Hindu Varna or caste. Surprisingly after converting to
Islam centuries ago, their position both socially and economically
remained miserable and hence unchanged.  None of them possessed Qura’n nor could they even read a single verse from it; it was not even a priority. Hangulgund
had two very small mosques. One could accommodate four people and was
subservient to the whims of Khaliq Khan, the tailor who rarely kept it
open except for his chosen occasions. After his death, it disappeared
so quickly that nobody even noticed it.  The second one, situated on
the beautiful riverbank in the area populated by the Greata waeli, was little bigger and could take half a dozen people. It also fell into disuse for want of worshipers or nimazis.    



The village temple was no different. Its roof was recycled from rusted
tin scrap from a couple of village grocers. The local Hindus did
constitute a committee to oversee temple affairs that occasionally
collected a meagre fund, but it ultimately found its way into the
pocket of the treasurer for his personal use. Thus the committee could
not do much for the temple gods, but often engaged in internecine
quarrels. I remember an occasion when Dr. Karan Singh the former Sadr-e-Riyasat was
on a visit to Kokernag, Anantnag, his favourite tour resort. On his way
back while passing through our village, a handful of Hindus stopped him
begging for some grant for the temple maintenance. He readily agreed
and sent some money which the Committee members spent aimlessly in
constructing a Dharamshalla. Interestingly the building was
never used for any religious occasion and soon after its erection was
given to the government for the village primary school at a monthly
rent of Rupees Eight. After a few years, when the building decayed for
want of repair, no one knew how much rent was realized and where it was
spent. Someone within the community had skimmed the rental for nearly
three decades till 1990, when all of them had to leave the village.  



The inter-communal relations in our village were always harmonious at
popular level, as was the case generally in Kashmir. On all social and
religious occasions the Pandits and Muslims shared pain and pleasure.
Most of the times, when death visited the Pandit community, whether in
summer or snow clad winter, the Muslims would immediately cut wood for
the cremation; a service offered without expecting any reward or
compensation. On religious occasions like Hawan Yega or marriage
ceremonies, it was for the Muslim men to organize the basic necessities
while their women sung the songs of love and blessings. Besides, all
the religious festivals were celebrated with a mutual bond and
greetings. I remember when the militancy in Kashmir was at peak,
Sonawullah Ganai, affectionately called Suna, helped a Hindu family to
move out from the village safely and never revealed it to anyone, even
his family. However, there are occasions in Kashmir’s history which are
characterized as tension ridden between the two communities. 



One interesting aspect that is often picked up by the Kashmiri Pandits
as a strong proof of violence committed against them is the mass
conversion during Sultan Sikandar’s reign (A.D. 1389-1413) which was
both voluntary and forcible. Strangely, the force exercised during the
conversion process was exercised by Suha Bhata, a Hindu who was loyal
officer of the Sultan Sikandar. The consequence of force was the
migration of a large number of Kashmiri Pandits to the neighbouring
regions, some of whom returned when Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin
(A.D.1420-1470)  invited them back.  



Even if the most subjective contemporary source; Jonaraja’s Rajatarangini,
is believed, no one was persecuted or killed for refusing to accept
Islam. The Bhakti saint Poetess Laleshwari, popularly known as Lal Ded,
who was contemporary to the period does not mention any instance of
force used to convert people. There was also no public protest against
the force, if at all it was used. When we view the conversion in larger
academic perspective one finds large gaps in Jonaraja’s argument of
‘use of force’. From 14th century until modern times there
are no commentaries about it even though every aspect of Kashmir’s
history is recorded by both Hindu and Muslim scholars as well as poets
and writers. 



Despite
this, the mass conversion does become a strong reference point on all
occasions of private discussions among the Pandits. Unfortunately every
Pandit adds his emphasis to the subject as if he was personally witness
to Sultan Sikandar’s reign and poses as if he is the custodian of all
the historical facts of that age. Sultan Sikandar is branded as butshikan (idol breaker), though it was king Harsha, a Shavite who indulged in breaking the idols and perpetrated worst crimes against the Pandit
community. But Sikandar’s reign was retained by the popular memory and
passed on from generation to generation because it marginalized the one
religious community and founded the other. From fourteenth century
whatever problems were faced by the Pandit community they were linked
to the developments that facilitated the marginalization and
conversion. However, this was only being talked among the literate
urban Pandits; among the rural Pandits it was unheard of until recent
times. In the post migration phase from 1990,  the Pandit community
irrespective of rural-urban divide have been forced to explore their
past. The unconsciously communal ones among them pick up Sultan
Sikandar’s reign to illustrate the Muslim attitude as anarchic, not
knowing that empirically it has no basis.



In
modern Kashmir, 1931 could be considered the year that led to
significant Hindu-Muslim tensions. That year, the Muslim conference was
founded; a consequence of impact of colonial modernization and
urbanization of Muslims on the global scale. In Lahore a number of Anjumans
or associations were founded to take up the socio-religious reformation
of the Muslim society, which ultimately could not escape assuming
political colour. One such association, Anjuman-i- Kashmir Lahore,
which finally founded Muslim Conference in Kashmir, interpreted the
Dogra rule over Kashmiris as Hindu rule exploiting Muslims. This was in
utter disregard to the class structure in Kashmir polity, but when this
interpretation reached Kashmir, it catalyzed the Muslim protests
against the Dogra Raj. The Urban Pandits, who largely benefited from
the Dogra Raj and wanted it to perpetuate, grew sceptical and
suspicious. As the positions became defined and entrenched, some
elements of the Muslim Conference indulged in loot and plunder against
the Pandit and Punjabi shopkeepers mainly in Maharaj Gunj, in Srinagar
and couple of towns reflecting arrogance of majoritarianism. Once the
National Conference stemmed from the Muslim conference, it also began
to voice public protests against the Jagirdari system, the
beneficiaries of which were mostly Urban Pandits and few Sayyid
families. The two families who owned large number of the jagirs
in Kashmir, as per archival records, were those of Sham Sundar Lal Dhar
and Sayyid Ahmad Shah. Political slogans were mixed up with rumours and
conjecture that reinforced minority psyche among Hindus of Srinagar.
However, the majority of people in rural Kashmir remained unconcerned. 




The
Hindu-Muslim relations stood the test of the epoch making year 1947,
when tens of thousands perished in mutual clashes all over India.
Kashmir remained uninfluenced by the rabid communalism which Mahatma
Gandhi acknowledged as ‘a ray of hope’.  The Muslims acted as a shield
for Pandits even when the tribal raiders from Pakistan were wreaking
havoc across the valley. The testing time returned in 1966, when Moy-e-Muqaddas
(Prophet Muhammad’s hair) disappeared from the Hazratbal mosque. Lots
of rumours were manufactured to deepen the conflict between the two
communities which did create some fissures, but as soon as Moy-e-Muqaddas was found everything returned to calm. 



A year later, when a Kashmiri Pandit girl, Parmeshwari married a
Kashmiri Muslim, it generated a lot of resentment and protest among
Pandits. The Parmeswari case had a very bad impact on Pandits, as they
started gravitating towards communalism consciously. This was due to
the fact that the urban elites of the Pandits began to invoke communal
tendencies among rural Pandits by evolving small associations among
them in almost every area. From mid-1970s, Hindu communalism became
pronounced in urban areas and some rural towns like Anantnag, Shopian,
Pulwama, Pattan etc. and the Pandits started identifying themselves
with the Hindu reactionary ideology of mainland India. 



Around the same time the Jama’at-e-Islami began to spread its
tentacles- first in urban areas and thence to the rural Kashmir. Rising
Jama’at influence forced the local and traditional Islam into retreat.
With the spread of education, the Jama’at influence started to root
itself firmly in the rural heartland, challenging the centuries old
common and eclectic practices. From mid 1970s, Kashmiri festivals like Urs or Vorus that
used to be a great occasion of rejoicing for the rural Kashmiris
cutting across the religious communities started to be circumvented or
altogether disappearing as it was pronounced un-Islamic. Life started a
dissent, as the Jama’at saw every aspect of Kashmiri life and legacy
from the politicized version of Islam.  Some of the well educated among
Muslims in teaching profession also began to preach the ideology of
Jama’at perhaps thinking that they were doing service to the religion
and community; but it ended up making the youth regimented. I remember
when an acquaintance, Abdul Salam Dand of Nagam Breng, began to
associate with the activities of Jama’at. A mediocre as a
teacher, he facilitated the construction of a mosque in one corner of
my peaceful village. The mosque never attracted much nimazis or
worshippers, but it became a main reason for breaking the age-old bonds
between the two communities. He did nothing for the poor villagers, but
made it a point to get the electricity cut from the village when
Pakistan lost a cricket match. 



A defining moment in the Hindu-Muslim relations was perhaps in February
1986 When the then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi ordered the opening of
Babri Masjid doors in Ayodhya.  This prompted a group of Muslim thugs
patronized by the pro-India politicians and they attacked the Hindu
temples in village Vanpoh, Lokbhawan, Bijbehara and at few other places
in Anantnag district. Although, no one was killed but many Hindu
families were harassed. I remember the grandson of Shree Ram Ji, of
Boogam in Village Vanpoh who was physically handicapped was dragged out
of his house when he could not run away; in many houses, household
items were destroyed if not looted. The occasion was used by opposition
political party workers to weaken the ruling party by indulging in the
riots. Although, the situation returned to normalcy within a few days,
it shook the entire Pandit community giving way to an unexplainable
unease. Many resourceful Pandits from Srinagar and other urban areas
started buying land and homes in Jammu and Delhi thinking that Kashmir
was heading for some unknown trouble. The Hindu reactionary political
parties from Indian mainland were quick to cash the situation by
rushing the pack of a couple of truck loads of aid including some food
items, blankets etc for the affected families but their local
representatives misappropriated it. However, it did register the
linkages of local community with main land Hindu reactionary forces. 

The wedge created by the communalist forces on the both sides led to a
slow but certain drift. Consequently, both the communalisms gained
currency and got legitimized. One needs to look at the greater picture
of the Asian politics at the time, when Hindu and Muslim communalism
received wider political patronage percolating the divisive ideas down
to the popular level. This played significant role in distancing the
relations between the two communities. 



The major crisis that shook the very basis of the Kashmiri social and
political set-up was the mass militant resistance of early 1990s. It
led to a severe crisis for the Pandits as many of them got killed and
they had to leave the place en masse.
I know my Muslim friends do acknowledge it with tears in their eyes but
no one was in a position to stop it as it accompanied armed struggle
with international linkages and ramifications. It is equally painful
for me to record that Muslims also suffered immensely and continue to
do so. But personally speaking, the pain of losing one’s homeland is
severe than any other catastrophe. The popular Pandit perception is
that Muslims suffered because they were supporting the armed struggle
for independence while the Hindus had nothing to do with the movement
and thus were caught unawares. 



Historically, most of the complaints of Pandits and their perceptions
against Muslims were shaped by the change from Hinduism to Islam. In
the post-14th
Centaury scenario, Pandits felt marginalized due to their dwindling
numbers, resulting in socio-psychological insecurity that continued
ever since. They imposed minority psyche upon themselves which was
reinforced whenever there was some tension, large or small. Under the
circumstances, any inquiry into the history or social conditions that
negated or challenged the popular belief and perceptions is not only
prohibited but strongly resisted. This has also led to various
problems, not only in understanding the trajectory of the community in
its real spirit, but also its relationship with the Muslims.    



I remember one occasion in August 1998 when I was in the United States
to attend the world Anthropological Congress in Williams Burg, I was
invited to address a gathering of expatriate Kashmiri Pandits associated with the Overseas Kashmiri Association in
Washington for a lecture about the history of Kashmir.  My lecture was
seen as a ‘deviation’ from popular lore and provoked many questions
which I answered to the best of my knowledge. Soon after, nearly
hundred emails were sent across by a few participants abusing me for
not having criticized Islam and Kashmiri Muslims for all that was
happening in Kashmir since 1990s. This according to them was the main
reason for the Kashmir crisis and the migration of Pandits. The
discussion degenerated and I had to face the ‘representatives’ of my
‘own’ community a couple of days later while delivering the prestigious
Buddh Dillon Memorial lecture in California. These ‘representatives’
raised questions that were in no way related to the delivery of the
memorial lecture, but I patiently answered them with all the facts at
my disposal. Later, I even reasserted my position through India and West newspaper.
However, the flow of emails continued, reflecting ignorance of the
participants about their own history and culture. One of the
participants, Mr. Vijay Sazawal [former President, Indo-American
Kashmir Forum], who was not even present in my lecture in Washington
characterized me a “communist of post naxalite brand” and attributed,
what he perceived my radicalness, to my career as a researcher
at the Jawaharlal Nehru University. It was only when Dr. Autar Mattoo,
a Kashmiri Plant Scientist and couple of other academician friends
voiced their feelings, the cheap conversation on the Internet stopped.

 

I could understand that the ordinary people whom I characterize as
popular level in the Kashmiri society are not communal whether they are
Hindus or Muslims, but it is a very small section that unfortunately
considers itself as the undeclared guardian of Kashmiri society both
among Muslims and Hindus. As far as my understanding of Kashmiri
society goes I have found that whenever Hindu-Muslim tensions emanated,
they never had any theological background nor did they surface in
Kashmir’s rural society which constitutes the majority. 



The last two decades (1988-2008) signify a very dark period in their
relationship in the entire history of Kashmir. But even when the crises
were at its peak in 1990, and the Pandits were left with nothing after
migrating to Jammu and other Indian cities, their Muslim villagers had
opened hearts and brought them their choicest delicacies - goat and
lamb meat, famous Kashmiri spinch - haakh, Al- hachea and Nadur.
My friends came from all parts of the Kashmir valley to my residence in
Hyderabad to meet me and enquire about my welfare almost every year.
These include Abdul Ahad Vakil, former speaker of Jammu and Kashmir
Assembly, Professor Mohammad Ishaq Khan, Kashmiri Intellectual,
Mohammad Yusuf Tarigami, politician, and a host of other friends. 



Though, there is no resolution to the crisis in Kashmir in sight, it
has offered both the communities great mobility within and outside
India. Since the Pandits migrated a little earlier, they seem to have
benefited more. But they have starved culturally and miss their natural
environment, the freedom they enjoyed and above all their relationship
with their Muslim brethren. When they migrated to Jammu in the early
1990’s, all their myths about co-religionism were totally demystified.
Their small children were not accommodated in the same schools, had to
avail evening shifts and still were not allowed to share the space in
school laboratories etc. even though the state was being governed by
the same government. No sympathy of any sort was shown to them in the
Jammu even though they were under the impression that they will be part
of larger Hindu community. They quickly realized the relevance of their
cultural roots which goes back to Kashmir’s antiquity. 



Professor Rattan Lal Hangloo is the Chair of Indian Studies at the
University of West Indies at St. Augustine Campus, Trinidad and
Tobago.is author of several books including ‘The State in Medieval
Kashmir’.


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