[Reader-list] Chinese intellectuals respond to Tibet

[mahmood farooqui]

By way of verification, how, and why, did this statement reach you...

On 27/03/2008, S. Jabbar <sonia.jabbar at gmail.com> wrote:
>
> On Saturday 22 March some 30 Chinese intellectuals (most are Han Chinese)
> circulated a statement on the unrest in Tibet.
>
> Below is the text of their open letter to Chinese government.
>
> Twelve Suggestions for Dealing with the Tibetan Situation by Some Chinese
> Intellectuals
>
> 1. At present the one-sided propaganda of the official Chinese media is
> having the effect of stirring up inter-ethnic animosity and aggravating an
> already tense situation. This is extremely detrimental to the long-term
> goal
> of safeguarding national unity. We call for such propaganda to be stopped.
>
> 2. We support the Dalai Lama's appeal for peace, and hope that the ethnic
> conflict can be dealt with according to the principles of goodwill, peace,
> and non-violence. We condemn any violent act against innocent people,
> strongly urge the Chinese government to stop the violent suppression, and
> appeal to the Tibetan people likewise not to engage in violent activities.
>
> 3. The Chinese government claims that "there is sufficient evidence to
> prove
> this incident was organized, premeditated, and meticulously orchestrated
> by
> the Dalai clique." We hope that the government will show proof of this. In
> order to change the international community's negative view and
> distrustful
> attitude, we also suggest that the government invite the United Nation's
> Commission on Human Rights to carry out an independent investigation of
> the
> evidence, the course of the incident, the number of casualties, etc.
>
> 4. In our opinion, such Cultural-Revolution-like language as "the Dalai
> Lama
> is a jackal in Buddhist monk's robes and an evil spirit with a human face
> and the heart of a beast" used by the Chinese Communist Party leadership
> in
> the Tibet Autonomous Region is of no help in easing the situation, nor is
> it
> beneficial to the Chinese government's image. As the Chinese government is
> committed to integrating into the international community, we maintain
> that
> it should display a style of governing that conforms to the standards of
> modern civilization.
>
> 5. We note that on the very day when the violence erupted in Lhasa (March
> 14), the leaders of the Tibet Autonomous Region declared that "there is
> sufficient evidence to prove this incident was organized, premeditated,
> and
> meticulously orchestrated by the Dalai clique." This shows that the
> authorities in Tibet knew in advance that the riot would occur, yet did
> nothing effective to prevent the incident from happening or escalating. If
> there was a dereliction of duty, a serious investigation must be carried
> out
> to determine this and deal with it accordingly.
>
> 6. If in the end it cannot be proved that this was an organized,
> premeditated, and meticulously orchestrated event but was instead a
> 'popular
> revolt' triggered by events, then the authorities should pursue those
> responsible for inciting the popular revolt and concocting false
> information
> to deceive the Central Government and the people; they should also
> seriously
> reflect on what can be learned from this event so as to avoid taking the
> same course in the future.
>
> 7.  We strongly demand that the authorities not subject every Tibetan to
> political investigation or revenge. The trials of those who have been
> arrested must be carried out according to judicial procedures that are
> open,
> just, and transparent so as to ensure that all parties are satisfied.
>
> 8. We urge the Chinese government to allow credible national and
> international media to go into Tibetan areas to conduct independent
> interviews and news reports. In our view, the current news blockade cannot
> gain credit with the Chinese people or the international community, and is
> harmful to the credibility of the Chinese government. If the government
> grasps the true situation, it need not fear challenges. Only by adopting
> an
> open attitude can we turn around the international community‚s distrust of
> our government.
>
> 9. We appeal to the Chinese people and overseas Chinese to be calm and
> tolerant, and to reflect deeply on what is happening. Adopting a posture
> of
> aggressive nationalism will only invite antipathy from the international
> community and harm China's international image.
>
> 10. The disturbances in Tibet in the 1980s were limited to Lhasa, whereas
> this time they have spread to many Tibetan areas. This deterioration
> indicates that there are serious mistakes in the work that has been done
> with regard to Tibet. The relevant government departments must
> conscientiously reflect upon this matter, examine their failures, and
> fundamentally change the failed nationality policies.
>
> 11. In order to prevent similar incidents from happening in future, the
> government must abide by the freedom of religious belief and the freedom
> of
> speech explicitly enshrined in the Chinese Constitution, thereby allowing
> the Tibetan people fully to express their grievances and hopes, and
> permitting citizens of all nationalities freely to criticize and make
> suggestions regarding the government's nationality policies.
>
> 12. We hold that we must eliminate animosity and bring about national
> reconciliation, not continue to increase divisions between nationalities.
> A
> country that wishes to avoid the partition of its territory must first
> avoid
> divisions among its nationalities. Therefore, we appeal to the leaders of
> our country to hold direct dialogue with the Dalai Lama. We hope that the
> Chinese and Tibetan people will do away with the misunderstandings between
> them, develop their interactions with each other, and achieve unity.
> Government departments as much as popular organizations and religious
> figures should make great efforts toward this goal.
>
> Signatures:
>
> Wang Lixiong (Beijing, Writer)
> Liu Xiaobo (Beijing, Freelance Writer)
> Zhang Zuhua (Beijing, scholar of constitutionalism)
> Sha Yexin (Shanghai, writer, Chinese Muslim)
> Yu Haocheng (Beijing, jurist)
> Ding Zilin (Beijing, professor)
> Jiang peikun (Beijing, professor)
> Yu Jie (Beijing, writer)
> Sun Wenguang (Shangdong, professor)
> Ran Yunfei (Sichuan, editor, Tujia nationality)
> Pu Zhiqiang (Beijing, lawyer)
> Teng Biao (Beijing, Layer and scholar)
> Liao Yiwu ()Sichuan, writer)
> Wang Qisheng (Beijing, scholar)
> Zhang Xianling (Beijing, engineer)
> Xu Jue (Beijing, research fellow)
> Li Jun (Gansu, photographer)
> Gao Yu (Beijing, journalist)
> Wang Debang (Beijing, freelance writer)
> Zhao Dagong (Shenzhen, freelance writer)
> Jiang Danwen (Shanghai, writer)
> Liu Yi (Gansu, painter)
> Xu Hui (Beijing, writer)
> Wang Tiancheng (Beijing, scholar)
> Wen kejian (Hangzhou, freelance)
> Li Hai (Beijing, freelance writer)
> Tian Yongde (Inner Mongolia, folk human rights activists)
> Zan Aizong (Hangzhou, journalist)
> Liu Yiming (Hubei, freelance writer)
> Liu  Di (Beijing, freelance writer)
>
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