[Reader-list] Thinking Through Figures on Internal Displacementfrom Kashmir

[Pawan Durani]

hello Tara ,

The only party not communal is the party with leftist badge.....


Bright star

Pawan


On 11/3/08, taraprakash <taraprakash at gmail.com> wrote:
>
> O no. Jay Maharashtra is no more Shive Sena slogan. At least they don't
> have
> the monopoly. As they moved to Hindu Rashtra and with that to parliament,
> Jay Maharashtra became redundant to them and so available for new forces to
> appropriate. The already muddled political scenario is going to get messier
> as the communal Shiv Sena will again join hands with the communal BJP and
> Congress and MNS, who are not communal because the term communal in India
> is
> reserved for a particular kind of ideology, will form an alliance. As it
> gets messier, the political landscape will become fertile for military
> intervention. After which perhaps, we will be united again. Till then let
> us
> observe the political engineering.
>
> Jai Dilli and Jai Florida (why not?)
> ----- Original Message -----
> From: "inder salim" <indersalim at gmail.com>
> To: <reader-list at sarai.net>
> Sent: Sunday, November 02, 2008 12:33 PM
> Subject: Re: [Reader-list] Thinking Through Figures on Internal
> Displacementfrom Kashmir
>
>
> > >
> >>
> >> Pawan
> >>
> >> Jai Maharshtra - Jai Hind.
> >
> > forget about  what i am doing, dismiss my actions as crazy or mad or
> > anything stupid. i will not complian, i am certainly not angry/
> >
> > but for the sake of your own self , please answer what is is Jai
> > Maharashtra,
> > and what was the relevance when you answered to following mail ( to
> > Shudd's ) which ended with Jai Maharashtra,
> > why not Jai J&K, or Jai Tamil Nadu etc..what is your relationship with
> > the slogan which is Raj's,
> > are you a Marathi or a Kashmiri?  tell me if you can ?
> >
> > yes, your friend, Dharti ji , and Aditya ji, can help you too,
> >
> > all  i want is to know why this Jai Maharashtra suddenly, when there
> > is so much hate in Maharashtra against North Indians,
> >
> > or you think that it only poor people from Bihar and UP who are
> > targeted by Raj, and you proudly join this national agenda of Raj's.
> >
> > I said, National, because you ended your mail with Jai Hind,
> >
> > so, my dear, please take a long breath, and have courage to say Jai
> > Maharashtra again, but add, Jai Raj as well.
> >
> > I know, you will tell me and the whole List, that it is only because
> > of Inder Salim, that  Pawn Durani joined Shiv Sena,
> >
> > you know, there is lot of humour in it.
> >
> > so, let us laugh,
> >
> > without malice towards one and all
> >
> > love
> > is
> >
> >>
> >>
> >>
> >>
> >> On 10/29/08, Shuddhabrata Sengupta <shuddha at sarai.net> wrote:
> >>>
> >>> Dear All,
> >>>
> >>> Apologies for what will be a lengthy posting. And those driven to
> >>> exasperation (like me) by the repeated monopolization of this list by
> >>> matters 'Kashmiri' may not want to read this. But, those who are
> >>> interested in more general matters to do with the politics and
> >>> rhetoric of the representation of victimhood, might.
> >>>
> >>> I have read with interest the ongoing discussion on the plight of the
> >>> displaced Kashmiri Pandit community in India. I totally agree with
> >>> Kirdar Singh's recent declaration of sympathy for the displaced
> >>> Kashmiri Pandit community, and hope that an improvement in conditions
> >>> on the ground in Kashmir and India will enable displaced Kashmir
> >>> Pandits to return to their homes in safety and dignity. I support the
> >>> implementation of whatever practical and fair measures that can be
> >>> taken to ensure that this can happen.
> >>>
> >>> It needs to be recognized that there are significant voices in
> >>> Kashmir that insist today (both within and outside the movement for
> >>> liberation from occupation) that a future for Kashmir without
> >>> Kashmiri Pandits is not worth fighting for. Those who refuse to
> >>> listen to, or acknowledge these voices, live in a denial of their own
> >>> making.
> >>>
> >>> Having said that, I need to point out that a large number of those
> >>> who speak for Kashmiri Pandits on this list and on other public fora,
> >>> and the organizations that they represent, such as Panun Kashmir and
> >>> Roots in Kashmir, are in my opinion, part of the problem, not of the
> >>> solution. Their aggressive efforts to monopolize the public space for
> >>> discussion of the displaced Kashmiri Pandit question is obstructive
> >>> and loaded with a deeply divisive and communal agenda that
> >>> perpetuates a cycle of hate and prejudice.They are committed to a
> >>> politics of confrontation and antagonism that makes it more, not less
> >>> difficult for Kashmiri Pandits to return to the Kashmir valley. They
> >>> are also more than willing to be used by right wing forces such as
> >>> the BJP and other mainstream parties (including sections of so called
> >>> secular parties such as the Congress) that want to keep the so called
> >>> 'Kashmir question' alive as a means to blackmail Indians and
> >>> Kashmiris into submission for the sake of their agenda of an
> >>> extractive and authoritarian state.
> >>>
> >>> In fact, it could well be said that they have a vested interest in
> >>> the perpetuation of the pitiable state in which the majority of
> >>> displaced Kashmir Pandits find themselves in today. As long as
> >>> Kashmiri Pandits can be projected to the world as in a permanent
> >>> status of victimhood and abjection, organizations like Panun Kashmir
> >>> (all factions) and Roots in Kashmir, and their political mentors will
> >>> continue to be in business. The repeated and monotonous attempts by
> >>> these individuals and the organizations and networks they represent
> >>> need to be seen in this light.
> >>>
> >>> While expressing our full sympathy with the plight of displaced
> >>> Kashmiri Pandits, it is important at the same time not to lose sight
> >>> of the fact that the displaced Kashmiri Pandits are one, and only one
> >>> of the many displaced communities in India.
> >>>
> >>> Also, it is important to keep in mind that no other displaced
> >>> community in India has had as much attention bestowed upon it as have
> >>> displaced Kashmiri Pandits. This does not mean that there should be
> >>> less attention given to the genuine and legitimate problems and
> >>> concerns of displaced Kashmiri Pandits, it only means the
> >>> monopolization of the discussion on internal displacement in India by
> >>> the monotonous repetition of the woes of displaced Kashmiri Pandits
> >>> does a great deal of violence to other communities that have been
> >>> displaced. It also prevents an effective solidarity from within
> >>> internally displaced communities on the question of displacement. In
> >>> the long term, this can only be a disaster for the displaced Kashmiri
> >>> Pandit community. It is a disaster for which organizations such as
> >>> Panun Kashmir and Roots in Kashmir are responsible, and many sensible
> >>> displaced and other Kashmiri Pandits are beginning to see through
> >>> this game today. Hopefully, it is only a matter of time before these
> >>> organizations are exposed and isolated from within the displaced
> >>> Kashmiri Pandit communities that they currently hold in their
> >>> stranglehold.
> >>>
> >>> The current leadership of organizations such as Panun Kashmir and
> >>> Roots in Kashmir, and their representatives on this list and other
> >>> fora have displayed a degree of 'Kashmiri Pandit exceptionalism' that
> >>> needs to be seen as deeply insensitive to the plight of all
> >>> internally displaced communities in India, and ultimately damaging to
> >>> the constituency that they claim to represent. One would have thought
> >>> that the experience of speaking for and on behalf of one displaced
> >>> community (the Kashmiri Pandits) would have sensitized them to the
> >>> predicaments of other communities that share their fate.
> >>> Unfortunately that is not the case, neither organizations such as
> >>> Panun Kashmir and Roots in Kashmir, nor their sympathizers in
> >>> political parties such as the Bharatiya Janata Part and the Shiv
> >>> Sena, nor their partisans in Hindutva outfits such as the Rashtriya
> >>> Svayamsevak Sangh, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, the Bajrang Dal, nor
> >>> indeed the many prominent writers and intellectuals such as Arun
> >>> Shourie, Swapan Dasgupta, Sandhya Jain and others who have commented
> >>> on the displacement of Kashmiri Pandits have ever thought it
> >>> necessary to make common cause with other displaced communities.
> >>>
> >>> This means that as far as most of the above are concerned, the plight
> >>> of displaced communities other than Kashmiri Pandits is of no
> >>> consequence. My concern with the displacement of Kashmiri Pandits
> >>> stems from the predicament of their displacement, not because they
> >>> are Kashmiri Pandits. This is what makes it necessary to view their
> >>> displacement and abjectness in a way that is connected to the
> >>> displacement and abjection of the many other communities.
> >>>
> >>> We might consider also, that of all the internally displaced
> >>> communities in India, it is the displaced Kashmiri Pandits who have
> >>> had the maximum political leverage extracted for them and on their
> >>> behalf. This 'leverage' ranges from -
> >>>
> >>> a) special legislation to protect their rights to property left
> >>> behind by them (J&K Migrants Immovable Property: Preservation,
> >>> Protection and Restraint of Distress Sales Act, 1997)  to a stay on
> >>> court cases and civil judicial processes involving displaced Kashmiri
> >>> Pandits (J&K Migrants: Stay on Proceedings Act, 1997)
> >>>
> >>> to a series of
> >>>
> >>> b) administrative measures concerning health, housing, education, ex-
> >>> gratia payments, stipends and employment enacted by central as well
> >>> as state governments specifically with regard to displaced people
> >>> from Jammu and Kashmir, the overwhelming majority of whom, happen to
> >>> be displaced Kashmiri Pandits.
> >>>
> >>> In fact, the state government of Jammu and Kashmir had in 1997
> >>> constituted an Apex Level Comittee under the chairmanship of the
> >>> Revenue, Relief and Rehabilitation Minister to look into all aspects
> >>> of the problems of displaced Kashmiri Pandits and suggest solutions.
> >>> A sub committee headed by the financial commissioner (planning and
> >>> development) was constituted to prepare a plan for the return of
> >>> migrants. This sub committee finalized an Action Plan for the
> >>> returnand rehabilitation of Kashmiri migrants involving a total
> >>> amount of Rs. 2589.3 crores.
> >>>
> >>> In the interim, many special relief packages have been announced from
> >>> time to time from the discretionary funds of the Prime Minister for
> >>> the upgradation of assistance to displaced Kashmiri Pandits living in
> >>> camps in Jammu and Delhi Even the defence ministry has on occasion
> >>> released funds from its 'Security Related Expenses' (SRE) fund for
> >>> the improvement of camp infrastructure.
> >>>
> >>> [for details of all of the above, see 'Government Relief to Kashmiri
> >>> Pandits and their Rehabilitation' - Annexure 1, pgs 91 - 101, in
> >>> 'Kashmiri Pandits: Problems and Perspectives - A Dialogue for Dignity
> >>> - Report  of the Conference on Kashmiri Pandits held at the Observer
> >>> Research Foundation, New Delhi, 2003, published by Rupa & Co. in
> >>> association with the Observer Research Foundation, Delhi, 2005]
> >>>
> >>> I am not for a moment suggesting that these measures are adequate to
> >>> the needs of the displaced Kashmiri Pandit community. What I am
> >>> however acutely mindful of is the fact that no other internally
> >>> displaced community in India has had as much resources spent on it,
> >>> as many special measures (legislative and executive) taken on its
> >>> behalf and attracted as much media attention as displaced Kashmiri
> >>> Pandits have had. Compared to the conditions in which other
> >>> internally displaced communities in India live, displaced Kashmiri
> >>> Pandits are in a far more advantageous position. This ought to have
> >>> made the most vocal amongst those who claim to be their spokepersons
> >>> less aggressive, less narcissistic and more compassionate.
> >>> Unfortunately, that is not the case.
> >>>
> >>> Let us now turn to seeing exactly what the conditions of other
> >>> internally displaced communities in India are like.
> >>>
> >>> I am going to quote extensively here from reports and facts available
> >>> at the website of the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, an
> >>> international rights group that concerns itself with the situation of
> >>> internally displaced communities the world over. Specifically, I am
> >>> looking at the webpage within this site that concerns internal
> >>> displacement in India.
> >>>
> >>> see - <www.internal-displacement.org/countries/india>
> >>>
> >>> This is an excellent site, and is totally non-partisan. It highlights
> >>> the plight of all internally-displaced communities, without biases
> >>> and is a good place to get to know a balanced overall picture of
> >>> internal displacement in India (as well as elsewhere)
> >>>
> >>> ON DISPLACEMENT FIGURES
> >>>
> >>> "The most common figure for the total number of internally displaced
> >>> in India is 600,000. This figure comprises:
> >>>
> >>> · at least 250,000 people displaced from Kashmir (government figure)
> >>> · 45,000 people who are still displaced along the Indian side of the
> >>> Line of Control between India and Pakistan and cannot return despite
> >>> the ceasefire
> >>> · 230,000 displaced in Assam due to the conflict between Santhals and
> >>> Bodos during the 1990s
> >>> · 31,000 Reang displaced from Mizoram to Tripura
> >>> · 45,000 displaced in the state of Chhattisgarh due to insurgency"
> >>>
> >>> (these figures at the moment do not include the large numbers of
> >>> people displaced in the Kandhamal district of Orissa due to the anti-
> >>> Christian violence there, of which the site has good reports and
> >>> updates.)
> >>>
> >>> The site goes on to say -
> >>>
> >>> "These groups reside in camps and are therefore relatively easy to
> >>> identify, but they constitute only part of the picture. The number of
> >>> 600,000 does not include thousands of displaced in the Karbi-Anglong
> >>> area of Assam and in Manipur where fighting between ethnic groups and
> >>> counter-insurgency operations have displaced whole villages during
> >>> the past few years. Many are displaced temporarily and are able to
> >>> return after some weeks or months in displacement while an
> >>> undetermined number are still displaced and receive no assistance. In
> >>> Tripura, as many as 100,000-300,000 people of Bengali origin are
> >>> estimated to have been displaced for the same reasons during the past
> >>> decade, but no information exists about the return or continued
> >>> displacement of this group (AHRC, January 2007, "Tripura"). In the
> >>> state of Chhattisgarh, it is assumed that thousands have escaped the
> >>> conflict between the authorities and Maoist groups by crossing over
> >>> to neighbouring states, and they too are not part of the statistics.
> >>> Nor does the figure take in the flight of migrant workers, as for
> >>> example in Assam in January 2007 when Biharis were forced to leave in
> >>> a matter of days due to threats and killings by local insurgents. The
> >>> current estimate should therefore be seen as representing the camp
> >>> population only and not those internally displaced who largely live
> >>> unassisted with friends or relatives, or blend with other slum
> >>> residents on the outskirts of the urban areas.
> >>>
> >>> It is therefore fair to assume that the total number of displaced is
> >>> far higher than the figure of 600,000, although it is not possible to
> >>> give a global estimate."
> >>>
> >>> ON RELIEF CAMPS
> >>>
> >>> "The relief camps for internally displaced in the North-East are
> >>> reportedly in a deplorable condition. Camps for the displaced across
> >>> the region are said to lack adequate shelter, food, health care,
> >>> education and protection. This pattern has been confirmed by earlier
> >>> reports which have documented that displaced throughout the North-
> >>> East face severe hardship. Many of them live in public buildings and
> >>> makeshift shelters, with little health care and no access to formal
> >>> education (SAHRDC, March 2001). Both in Assam and in Tripura, acute
> >>> food shortages and lack of health care leave internally displaced in
> >>> acute hardship (MCRG, December 2006; AHRC, January 2007, p.136). The
> >>> state governments say they have no money to provide relief to the
> >>> displaced population and that they depend on support from the central
> >>> government. Furthermore, thousands of those displaced by local
> >>> insurgent groups in the state are reported to have received no relief
> >>> at all, and are camping alongside roads in makeshift houses seven
> >>> years after having been displaced (Deccan Herald, 22 May 2005). In
> >>> Assam, it has been documented that the relief camps in the region are
> >>> a major recruitment ground for trafficking of women to other places
> >>> in India (BBC, 10 April 2007; IRIN, 17 May 2006).
> >>>
> >>> The same situation is reported from other relief camps for internally
> >>> displaced in India. In Chhattisgarh, several reports have documented
> >>> that the relief camps offer neither adequate assistance, nor
> >>> protection to the internally displaced. In Gujarat, there are reports
> >>> of immense trauma among children and women who witnessed atrocities
> >>> or were victims of the 2002 riots (IIJ, December 2003, pp.64, 67;
> >>> HRW, July 2003). Also, the displaced Muslim population faces acute
> >>> poverty as their livelihoods were largely destroyed during the riots.
> >>> Continued discrimination has left most of them unemployed, with
> >>> female-headed households being particularly vulnerable. The relief
> >>> camps have inadequate basic amenities such as potable water, sanitary
> >>> facilities, schools and primary healthcare centres (AHRC, 10 January
> >>> 2007, pp. 19-20; Bisht, 16 January 2007; AI, January 2005, 7.6.c;
> >>> IIJ, December 2003). "
> >>>
> >>> ON INDIAN GOVERNMENTS POLICIES REGARDING IDPs
> >>>
> >>> "The Indian government has repeatedly expressed reservations in
> >>> international fora about the UN Guiding Principles on Internal
> >>> Displacement, which it sees as infringing its national sovereignty.
> >>> India has no national IDP policy targeting conflict-induced IDPs, and
> >>> the responsibility for IDP assistance and protection is frequently
> >>> delegated to the state governments. Furthermore, although it is well
> >>> documented that Indian military, paramilitary and police forces have
> >>> engaged in serious human rights abuses in conflict zones, there have
> >>> been no attempts at transparent investigations or prosecutions of
> >>> those responsible (HRW, 12 September, 2006)."
> >>>
> >>> ON AD HOC AND DISCRIMINATORY TREATMENT REGARDING DIFFERENT IDP
> >>> POPULATIONS
> >>>
> >>> "Although the Indian government provides support to conflict-affected
> >>> populations, such assistance is mostly ad hoc and does not correspond
> >>> to the needs of the displaced. State governments are assigned the
> >>> main responsibility to assist and rehabilitate the displaced, but
> >>> practices vary significantly from state to state (Nath, January 2005,
> >>> p.68).
> >>>
> >>> The Indian government has been accused of discriminatory treatment of
> >>> internally displaced because the displaced Kashmiri Pandit population
> >>> overall receives much more support than displaced communities
> >>> elsewhere in the country (NNHR, 19 February 2007)."
> >>>
> >>> The Indian government has been accused of failing to adhere to the UN
> >>> Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement and other international
> >>> human rights standards in its response to displacement in Kashmir and
> >>> Gujarat (AI, January 2005; HRW July 2003, p.38; ORF, September 2003).
> >>> One survey conducted among different displaced communities in India
> >>> reveals that over 55 per cent of the internally displaced do not
> >>> receive any support at all and only 13 per cent receive any
> >>> assistance from the authorities. The report also reveals that more
> >>> than 70 percent of the surveyed population believe that return will
> >>> be impossible, a fact that underlines the need for the government to
> >>> work out sustainable solutions (MCRG, December 2006, p. 16). In
> >>> Gujarat, human rights organisations blame local authorities as well
> >>> as the state government for failing to address the needs of the
> >>> displaced altogether, despite promises made by the government with
> >>> regard to rehabilitation (IIJ, December 2003; HRW, July 2003).
> >>>
> >>> INTERNAL DISPLACEMENT DUE TO DEVELOPMENT
> >>>
> >>> "Available reports indicate that more than 21 million people are
> >>> internally displaced due to development projects in India. Although
> >>> the tribal population only make up eight percent of the total
> >>> population, more than 50 per cent of the development induced
> >>> displaced are tribal peoples – in India also known as Scheduled
> >>> Tribes or Adivasis (HRW, January 2006). Ongoing research indicate
> >>> that between 1945-2000 the number of displaced who did not receive
> >>> rehabilitation could be as high as 50-60 million people."
> >>>
> >>> Clearly, all of the above indicates that the problem of displaced
> >>> Kashmiri Pandits in India needs to be seen within a larger
> >>> perspective. And when we take that perspective into account we
> >>> realize that displaced Kashmiri Pandits constitute what might be
> >>> called the 'creamy layer' (by virtue of the disproportionate amount
> >>> of resources and attention that they obtain) of the overall situation
> >>> of internal displacement in India.
> >>>
> >>> Finally, a brief note on the extinction of cultures and human
> >>> populations, a question that has been raised by Kshmendra Kaul in one
> >>> of his recent postings. I fully agree with Kshmendra, we need to pay
> >>> careful attention to the problem of cultural extinction. But even
> >>> from that point of view, the situation of
> >>>
> >>> According to census figures, Kashmiri Pandits constituted 15 % of the
> >>> Valley's population in 1941. This came down to 5 % by 1981 and 0.1 %
> >>> by around 2003. While a significant proportion of the decrease of 4.9
> >>> % (registered between 1981 and today) can be attributable to the
> >>> political conditions pertaining since 1989-90 (the years that Pandits
> >>> say there were targetted and forced to leave), to what can we
> >>> attribute the 10 % decline (from 15 % to 5 %) in the Kashmiri Pandit
> >>> population in the Kashmir valley between 1941 and 1981?
> >>>
> >>> In those forty years, India's writ ran unchallenged in the part of
> >>> Kashmir held by India,  and the Kashmiri Pandit elite was very much
> >>> part of the governing equation, both in the Kashmir valley, as well
> >>> as in India. Clearly, a significant section from within the Kashmiri
> >>> Pandit population (which was highly educated and considerably
> >>> affluent) did not, in those forty years care as much for the
> >>> retention of its cultural ethos in the Kashmir valley as much as it
> >>> did for the betterment of the material prospects of members of the
> >>> Kashmiri Pandit community in metropolitan India and elsewhere.
> >>>
> >>> In other words, while I totally agree with Kshmendra that we are all
> >>> diminished when a community as culturally and intellectually vibrant
> >>> as the Kashmiri Pandits find themselves virtually effaced from their
> >>> homeland, I do at the same time think that this condition requires
> >>> Kashmiri Pandits today to do some soul searching as to why they were
> >>> so eager to abandon the Kashmir valley in the years between 1947 and
> >>> 1989. Had they stayed on, or retained an interest in the way in which
> >>> the valley was systematically misgoverned, under the aegis of the
> >>> Indian occupation, then perhaps conditions might indeed have been
> >>> different. '
> >>>
> >>> I still think that there is hope, no sensible person in Kashmir (no
> >>> matter what their politics or affiliation)  for a single moment
> >>> refuses to recognize that Kashmiri Pandits are part of the cultural
> >>> mosaic of Kashmir. In countless conversations that I have had my with
> >>> who stay in Kashmir, I have heard people state that they yearn for
> >>> the return of all displaced Kashmiri Pandits because Kashmir feels
> >>> incomplete without them. Perhaps a new generation of displaced and
> >>> other Kashmiri Pandits will reciprocate (over the heads of Panun
> >>> Kashmir and Roots in Kashmir) and re-engage with what is going on in
> >>> Kashmir in a spirit of solidarity. For this to happen, there needs to
> >>> be a recognition of the difficulties that everyone in Kashmir has
> >>> faced in the last sixty odd years, and a reversal of the cultural,
> >>> political and demographic abandonment of Kashmir by a section of the
> >>> Kashmiri Pandit elite that began, not in 1989, but much earlier.
> >>>
> >>> I hope that this helps us clarify the terms on which the discussion
> >>> on internal displacement, and the internally displaced Kashmiri
> >>> Pandits, and the politics of perpetual victimhood can ensure, and I
> >>> hope that the exploitation of a vulgar quantification of pain and
> >>> oppression, which I personally find deeply distasteful, may cease on
> >>> this list. We do not need to prove to each other how much worse off
> >>> we are in our individual capacities in order to develop an argument
> >>> against oppression.
> >>>
> >>> regards,
> >>>
> >>> Shuddha
> >>>
> >>>
> >>>
> >>>
> >>>
> >>>
> >>> _________________________________________
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> >> _________________________________________
> >> reader-list: an open discussion list on media and the city.
> >> Critiques & Collaborations
> >> To subscribe: send an email to reader-list-request at sarai.net with
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> >
> >
> >
> > --
> >
> > http://indersalim.livejournal.com
> > _________________________________________
> > reader-list: an open discussion list on media and the city.
> > Critiques & Collaborations
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>
> _________________________________________
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