[Reader-list] The Azadi We Need

[Aarti Sethi]

And as a corollary, India is one of the few countries in the world where
laws allowing Preventive Detention enjoy constitutional validity even during
peacetime. It is incredible that the state can use laws such as TADA, MISA,
POTA etc against its own citizens. Nor has the indian parliament ratified
the international convention against torture, of which India is a signatory.
Devinder Singh, of the dreaded Special task force, is shown on television
boasting about the horrific torture that a man was made to undergo and no
one even asks why the courts have not taken sou moto notice of this. In a
recent survey by worldpublicopion India had the dubious distinction of being
one of the countries in which a majority of people (59%) supported the use
of torture by state agencies to extract information. When terror is
generalized through the social body as it is in India then we are pretty
much on the way to a general brutalization of life. We must not and cannot
allow this to happen to us. Terror in all its forms must be called that -
terror. Only then can we actually develop ethical vocabularies to combat
terrorism. Otherwise terrorism and state terror stand in a relationship of
murky mimicry.

It is timely to remember at this juncture what Micheal Taussig says about
the terror unleashed by the Spanish conquistadores on the native Indians  in
the Putumayo during the early twentieth century. By deeming the Indians wild
savages who were brutal cannibals, the Spanish unleashed a regime of terror
and torture which actually only transposed the savagery of colonialism onto
the bodies of Indians. The colonizers produced Indians in their own image -
as savages - and so the Indian body became the cipher upon which the
fantasies of violence that colonialism entailed could  be enacted.

The images we produce become real and haunt us. Lets please not ask that
these images of violence come to pass. I do not think we can suffer the
torment to watch our visages tranform into the faces of those we fear.

in solidarity
Aarti

On Sun, Sep 14, 2008 at 11:17 PM, Aarti Sethi <aarti.sethi at gmail.com> wrote:

> Dear Prabhakar,
>
> Thank you. You are absolutely right we are all responsible for what has
> happened in Delhi. Let me spell out some of the ways in which we are
> responsible.
>
> We are responsible for the fact that there has been continous violence
> against Christians in Kandhamal in Orissa for over 15 days with churches,
> houses and institutions being attacked and set on fire every day and still
> not one person has been arrested. Christians form 2.5 percent of the
> population in Orissa and today morning carries a statement by mr Narendra
> Modi saying that because conversion activity is changing the demographic
> profile there is violence. Praveen Togadia has been making incendiary speech
> singling institutions and persons out for attack and he's walking around.
> Why is this situation being allowed to continue, how can Modi make these
> statements and get away with it? How is it that while the state is quick to
> ban SIMI, on the scantiest of evidence, the Bajrang Dal and the VHP are not
> banned, when it has been proved that they are behind and involved in the
> attacks on Christians.
>
> We are responsible because till now the killers of thousands of Muslims in
> Gujarat are scot free, and in power. There have been convictions in only 2
> cases : Best bakery, and everyone knows what was done to Zaheera in the
> course of this, and Bilqis Bano. Over 4000 people were killed. Why has
> nothing been done? We should be asking this question every day. Tehelka
> carried a chilling report last year where a journalist went underground and
> spoke to fucntionaries in the BJP and RSS who are on tape claiming they
> killed people, and has the court taken sou moto notice? NO.
>
> I am not justifyng terrorism. As we have seen terror does not choose its
> target. In that it is chillingly and ruthlessly democratic. There are no
> administrative solutions to terror. Can the state's eyes be everywhere? No.
> Do we want this? No. There are only political solutions. Rather than asking
> that more anti-terror legilation be enacted which only means that the state
> is armed with still more weapons with which to target communities, we should
> instead be asking that if the state takes seriously its commitment to wiping
> out terrorism then it address seriosuly the reasons why communities and
> groups feel increasingly insecure and alienated.
>
> There is no such thing as being "soft on terror". There is such a thing
> however as being soft on the known pepretrators of crimes against humanity
> such as Mr Narendra Modi. This morning, in a report in the TOI, Mr. Advani
> and other luminaries claimed that not hanging Afzal Guru is yet another
> instance of the reluctance to tackle terror. And what is the connection? And
> what will hanging Afsal Guru achieve? Another report in the TOI claimed that
> the police are especially suspicious of "neo-Dalit" converts to Islam as
> they are most likely to be behind such activities. What does this even mean?
> How can this sort of profiling be allowed?
>
> Let us not forget that one of the first instances of terrorism in this
> country occured actually in Mizoram, after the failure of the government to
> assuage severe famine conditions. This happend almost 50 years ago now when
> the flowering of bambo lead to a deluge of rats which ate up all the food.
> When the Mizoram National famine front was formed and an agitation began the
> Indian airforce was called in to carpet bomb Aizwal. And for the next 20
> years there was an insurgency till the peace accord was signed in 1989.
>
> What happened in Delhi yesterday like what hapened 3 years ago, like what
> happened in Ahemadabad, Bangalore, Jaipur and Bombay is terrible and
> saddening. It makes all our lives insecure and fraught. But please please
> please, let us not use this moment to ask for greater terror as a response.
> Please let us not ask for Gujcoca or Pota or Poto or whatever new technique
> of coersion the government might devise. It is not a solution, it will not
> make anyone safer. It will only mean that more people can be shut away for
> less and less for longer and longer.
>
> What kind of soicety do we want to live in? Tomorrow we could all have a
> policeman with us at all times day and night, every street corner can have
> 50 surveillance cameras, why, we can even have pre-crime like in Minority
> Report - lets arrest people before the crime is even committed. We would all
> be utterly safe and utterly dead as a people.
>
>
> Yes things are in a crises, but please lets recognise what the terms of
> this crises are.
>
> in solidarity and in sadness
>
> Aarti
>
>
>
>
> On Sun, Sep 14, 2008 at 9:43 PM, inder salim <indersalim at gmail.com> wrote:
>
>> Thanks my dear
>> Histroy is such a bitchy subject, that we  end up talking only about a
>> Gandhi or a Jinnah. But there are hundreds of other doors to enter. It
>> is a quagumire, but at least we free ourselves from a short cut to
>> history which is to see Jinnah from India and Gandhi from Paskitan.
>> Both can yeild wrong results. That is why i mentioned Sheikh, who can
>> be restored to a true status when we are talking about towering
>> personalities of 1947. incorporating so many others like Shiekh in the
>> understaing of struggle for free India and creation of India and
>> Pakistan, acutually might help us to understand a Jinnah and a Nehru i
>> better than what we are doing now.  I agree that Jinnah could not
>> visualized the demon that partition unleashed. But that is preceisely
>> how, these politicians who feel so confident while negotiating the
>> destiney of millions fails when thing go out of control. People are
>> still suffering from that methodology.#
>>
>> Dastangoi was indeed  the most wonderful door to understand History.
>> We need more such doors
>>
>> love  and best of wishes to Danish as well
>> is
>>
>> On Sun, Sep 14, 2008 at 9:13 PM, mahmood farooqui
>> <mahmood.farooqui at gmail.com> wrote:
>> > Thanks Inder. But my brother has lately been asking me--is it possible
>> for
>> > us to condone Jinnah for the demons that he could not have but known he
>> was
>> > unleashing when he, tacitly, conceded that a fight for Muslims could be
>> > played as a fight for Islam.
>> >
>> > 2008/9/14 inder salim <indersalim at gmail.com>
>> >>
>> >> Yes, Mahmood Bhai
>> >>
>> >> When you mention , Jinnah, I think of Dastangoi, What a wonderful and
>> >> thought provoking performance that was. I wish I had recorded that
>> >> for friends in Kashmir.  But there  are Jinnah lovers in Kashmir,
>> >> still. So physically, your performance might not be such a welcome
>> >> move in Kashmir, right now at least.
>> >>
>> >>  Sheikh Mohd  Abdullah was called as Qaid-a-Sani which mean second to
>> >> the first. The First was indeed  Qaid-a-Azam, Jinnah himself. But, I
>> >> guess Sheik was truly the first.
>> >>
>> >> He was truly a hero, in real sense, a towering personality, full of
>> >> courage. He succeeded where Gandhi and Jinnah failed. If there was no
>> >> blood on the streets in 1947, it was Kashmir. Rest of it, as we know
>> >> was just a horror.
>> >>
>> >> Sheikh Mohd Abdullah was truly interested in a new Kashmir. He was a
>> >> great friend of India. Remember, in  1947, it was quite impossible for
>> >> any one to think beyond India and Pakistan. It was just about a Hindu
>> >> or a Muslim. But Sheikh had a foresight. And 1971 proved that he was
>> >> right. But what failed him is the coterie around him, and friends who
>> >> betrayed.
>> >>
>> >> Sheikh  Mohd Abudulah is not a respected leader in Kashmir  any more,
>> >> which is sad.  If Nehru had the courage to declare a free Kashmir (
>> >> with or without  Jammu ) and provided protection to  it from Jinnah's
>> >> Pakistan,  history might have been different. Alas !
>> >>
>> >> Love
>> >> is
>> >>
>> >>
>> >> On Sun, Sep 14, 2008 at 1:59 PM, mahmood farooqui
>> >> <mahmood.farooqui at gmail.com> wrote:
>> >> > Sanjay, I share your concern about Umair's casal disengagement with
>> the
>> >> > oppression in kashmir and with the liberationist impulse implicit in
>> the
>> >> > kasmiri uprising.
>> >> >
>> >> > Yes, Azadi may take a form that we cannot anticipate. But as Mukul
>> >> > Kesavan
>> >> > pointed out to Shuddha we have to extrapolate on the outcomes from
>> the
>> >> > gamut
>> >> > of the existing pointers. And it is the Azadi seekers who need to
>> >> > deliberate
>> >> > more on what they are going to do. Not just that we will do it
>> better.
>> >> >
>> >> > We have heard his before from Jinnah--we will protect our minorities
>> >> > (better).
>> >> >
>> >> > 2008/9/13 Sanjay Kak <kaksanjay at gmail.com>
>> >> >
>> >> >> Thanks, Jeebesh, for posting Umair Ahmed Muhajir's piece "The Azadi
>> We
>> >> >> Need"
>> >> >>
>> http://www.outlookindia.com/full.asp?fodname=20080904&fname=umair&sid=1
>> >> >>
>> >> >> The Sarai list has robustly reflected the recent revival of interest
>> in
>> >> >> the
>> >> >> idea of Kashmir's Azadi, and I think many of us would be in synch
>> with
>> >> >> the
>> >> >> despair reflected in Muhajir's understanding of the monstrous
>> contours
>> >> >> of
>> >> >> the modern nation state, especially as it has unfolded in our part
>> of
>> >> >> the
>> >> >> world–India, Pakistan, Bangladesh...
>> >> >>
>> >> >> What I do not share is the certainity with which he–like many
>> writers
>> >> >> in
>> >> >> recent weeks both here and in other public forums in India–have
>> >> >> visualised
>> >> >> a
>> >> >> possible Azad Kashmir. Perhaps because few in Kashmir have been able
>> to
>> >> >> spell out their vision, our assumptions have flooded in and filled
>> the
>> >> >> space. One of these is that Azadi necessarily means an Islamic
>> Nation.
>> >> >> Certainly there are pointers from some of the political leaders of
>> the
>> >> >> movement that this may be the idea. Syed Ali Shah Geelani has spoken
>> of
>> >> >> the
>> >> >> centrality of Islam in his vision, and no doubt there are other
>> >> >> elements in
>> >> >> the Hurriyat that would concur. (Although even here it is an open
>> >> >> question
>> >> >> what their Islamic role model is: Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Malaysia,
>> >> >> Syria,
>> >> >> Qatar? Or another: Kashmir,) But surely it cannot be the case that
>> what
>> >> >> Geelani says, or what elements of the Hurriyat hint at can be taken
>> as
>> >> >> conclusive in our understanding of the aspirations for Azadi?
>> >> >> (Especially
>> >> >> when most people who draw these conclusions are also the first to
>> >> >> question
>> >> >> the representative character of Geelani or the Hurriyat!)
>> >> >>
>> >> >> Our discussions of where Kashmir is headed is already moving so
>> giddily
>> >> >> ahead of the state of play, that sometimes I get the sensation that
>> >> >> these
>> >> >> are not really conversations about Kashmir, and the abominable
>> >> >> situation
>> >> >> there, but really about our anxieties about ourselves. (Here I use
>> >> >> "our"
>> >> >> for
>> >> >> those of whose of us who do not see ourselves as Kashmiris–so
>> Indians,
>> >> >> Pakistanis, Bangladeshis, whoever.)
>> >> >>
>> >> >> Let us for a moment ignore the hardliners in the public discourse,
>> the
>> >> >> G
>> >> >> Parthasarathy, K Subrahmanyam, Harish Khare (and for comic relief,
>> >> >> Jaitirath
>> >> >> Rao) line on Kashmir. (In a nutshell: fry them).
>> >> >> Let's turn to the liberal discourse, where however sophisticated the
>> >> >> language, and however much sympathy for the "ordinary Kashmiri" is
>> >> >> evoked,
>> >> >> the main preoccupation seems to be around what a possible Azad
>> >> >> Kashmir–one
>> >> >> which wears it Muslim majority and its Islamic character on its
>> >> >> sleeve–will
>> >> >> do to the idea of Indian secularism, to Indian democracy, and to
>> >> >> India's
>> >> >> Muslims. In India, for example, the failure to fulfill the
>> aspirations
>> >> >> of a
>> >> >> Secular, Socialist, Democratic Republic that We The People were
>> >> >> promised,
>> >> >> seem to hinge entirely on whether or not Kashmir continues to be
>> part
>> >> >> of
>> >> >> India... How fragile is this notion of the Secular Socialist
>> Democracy
>> >> >> that
>> >> >> it hinges entirely on a part of the map that has never
>> enthusiastically
>> >> >> embraced the geographical entity that bounds that ideal!
>> >> >>
>> >> >> So too in Muhajir's otherwise excellent discussion of the Nation
>> State,
>> >> >> Kashmir is only the peg upon which the larger anxiety hangs. I
>> tended
>> >> >> to
>> >> >> read his piece as a lament about the failure of our nations to meet
>> the
>> >> >> aspirations of our decolonising imaginations. About what he calls
>> the
>> >> >> Azadi
>> >> >> We Need.
>> >> >>
>> >> >> To say, as Muhajir does, that "the idea of an independent Kashmir
>> for
>> >> >> Kashmiris must be resisted precisely because, as the experience of
>> the
>> >> >> once-colonised has amply illustrated, nation-states are appallingly
>> >> >> inhuman"
>> >> >> is a suggestion of some casual brutality. And when he says that
>> >> >> "nothing in
>> >> >> the Kashmiri independence movement suggests that it will throw up
>> >> >> anything
>> >> >> different; indeed given that the movement aims at a traditional
>> >> >> nation-state
>> >> >> just like all the others, I submit that it cannot yield a different
>> >> >> result",
>> >> >> I can only wonder at his certainity of what the movement aims at. He
>> is
>> >> >> asking us not just to doubt, or raise a red-flag of warning, but to
>> >> >> "resist"
>> >> >> because he believes that an Independent Kashmir may turn into the
>> >> >> monster
>> >> >> with the big floppy ears and the sharp tusks? Remember the Six Blind
>> >> >> Men of
>> >> >> Hindustan, and the Elephant?
>> >> >>
>> >> >> Because in the absence of democracy, in the absence of free and
>> >> >> fearless
>> >> >> politics, and in the presence of a quite monstrous apparatus of
>> >> >> occupation,
>> >> >> none of us can as yet lay claim to saying that we know what the
>> >> >> movement
>> >> >> aims at.
>> >> >>
>> >> >> The discomfort with the Nation State is a valid one. If indeed there
>> >> >> are
>> >> >> those within the movement who casually think of such an entity, then
>> >> >> they
>> >> >> would do well to make themselves familiar with the arguments Mohajir
>> >> >> assembles against it. But for the vast majority of people in the
>> >> >> valley,
>> >> >> the
>> >> >> idea of Azadi does not as yet have such elaborate contours. It still
>> >> >> means
>> >> >> removing the Army, bringing back some elementary dignity into
>> everyday
>> >> >> life.
>> >> >> We can lay the charge at the door of the Separatist leadership that
>> >> >> they
>> >> >> have failed to start that conversation about what Kashmir could be
>> >> >> like.
>> >> >> But
>> >> >> before we "resist" the idea of Azadi we–and here I speak of
>> >> >> Indians–must
>> >> >> also take on board our complicity in a system that has not allowed
>> any
>> >> >> form
>> >> >> of genuine democratic process to emerge in Kashmir, not just since
>> 1989
>> >> >> when
>> >> >> the armed conflict broke out, but for at least three decades before
>> >> >> that.
>> >> >>
>> >> >> And what if, in the absence of another workable alternative that
>> they
>> >> >> can
>> >> >> come up with, or indeed we can offer them, they still choose the
>> >> >> tattered
>> >> >> and torn robes of the Nation State? Will we say to them that their
>> >> >> struggle
>> >> >> is meaningless, their suffering inconsequential, the repression they
>> >> >> have
>> >> >> dealt with somehow appropriate? Because they don't understand the
>> >> >> perils of
>> >> >> the Nation State they must cease to resist?
>> >> >>
>> >> >> In recent weeks, one can see the furry edges of the Establishment
>> >> >> fluffing
>> >> >> up in defence of old atrophied positions. Forget the Intelligence
>> >> >> Bureau
>> >> >> plants and the Home Ministry hand-outs. Academics Sumit Ganguly and
>> >> >> Kanti
>> >> >> Bajpai, separately and together, placed a series of articles all
>> over
>> >> >> the
>> >> >> national and international media that set up a sort of Qualifying
>> >> >> Standard
>> >> >> to Permit Secession. Minimally you are required to say Yes to the
>> >> >> following:
>> >> >> Genocide? Ethnic flooding? Major human rights violations? Since
>> India
>> >> >> has
>> >> >> fallen short on all counts, they aver, with only 70,000 dead, and No
>> >> >> Major
>> >> >> human rights violations, the Standard is not met . Sorry then. No
>> case
>> >> >> for
>> >> >> Azadi.
>> >> >> Who set up this Gold Standard, and who calibrates it?
>> >> >>
>> >> >> While it is not my intention to place Muhajir's arguments on the
>> same
>> >> >> shelf
>> >> >> as the Hawks and the Hawks-in-Dove-feathers, I bring them together
>> >> >> because
>> >> >> collectively they serve the same end-result: "This may not end up
>> the
>> >> >> way
>> >> >> WE
>> >> >> want it, so lets just wait and watch".
>> >> >>
>> >> >> That was the position that British Liberals could well have taken in
>> >> >> the
>> >> >> years before Independence: hand over India to the Hindu Mahasabha?
>> The
>> >> >> Muslim League? To Gandhi?.
>> >> >> Better a part of Empire than to allow India to destroy itself under
>> the
>> >> >> weight of its own contradictions.
>> >> >>
>> >> >> That has been the position of liberal Indians for at least twenty–if
>> >> >> not
>> >> >> sixty–years. Frozen in a rigor mortis of wilful ignorance, political
>> >> >> correctness, and theoretical purity.
>> >> >>
>> >> >> This may not be The Azadi They Need.
>> >> >>
>> >> >> Sanjay Kak
>> >> >> _________________________________________
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>> >> >> Critiques & Collaborations
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>> >> > _________________________________________
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>> >> > Critiques & Collaborations
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>> >> > subscribe in the subject header.
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>> >>
>> >>
>> >>
>> >> --
>> >>
>> >> http://indersalim.livejournal.com
>> >> _________________________________________
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>> >
>>
>>
>>
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>> http://indersalim.livejournal.com
>> _________________________________________
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>
>