[Reader-list] LTTE, Tamil Nationalism and Caste (if not Hinduism)

Navayana Publishing navayana at gmail.com
Thu Sep 18 10:18:57 IST 2008 

Hi

Even as a lurker on this list, I would certainly not like to be seen being
supportive of kshemendra, but on LTTE I would just refer all to this piece
by  Ravikumar in Himal in 2002 (article copied below); LTTE certainly may
not be "Hinduistic" in the sense in which hindutva outfits are, but caste
certainly plays a crucial role as does Hindu religion in many ways. You may
also see the fictional writings of Shobasakthi, esp his
*Gorilla*<http://www.randomhouse.co.in/TitleInformation.aspx?isbn=9788184000184>recently
translated by Anushiya Sivanarayanan and published by Random House,
reviewed here<http://winnowed.blogspot.com/2008/07/gorilla-by-shobasakthi-translated-by.html>
.

Anand
ps: this article and related debates on caste and Tamil nationalism are now
available at
http://www.tamilnation.org/forum/aryan/index.htm


*'Caste of the Tiger' *by Ravikumar (Translated from Tamil by R Azhagarasan)
in HIMAL South Asia, August
2002<http://www.himalmag.com/2002/august/perspective.htm>
and published also in the Sinhala owned Sri Lanka Island of 26 August 2002.

"In 1981, the UNP leaders, who shout themselves hoarse about democracy,
summoned their military thugs and burnt down the Jaffna library, the biggest
library in Southeast Asia. About the same time, caste fanatics in a small
village, Ezhudumattuval, near Jaffna, threatened Dalit children at a school,
seized their books and notebooks and set them afire."Why did Tamil society
choose to condemn one incident and remain silent on the other?" - Dominic
Jeeva, Dalit author from Eelam

The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) chief V Prabakaran's two and
half hour press conference on 10 April this year is regarded as a turning
point in the ongoing peace initiatives in Sri Lanka. Prominent among the
issues raised at the press meet were those concerning Muslims and Estate
Tamils (also called Hill-Country Tamils, Tamils of Indian Descent or New
Tamils, since a majority came over from India as plantation workers).
Responding to these queries, Prabakaran and LTTE ideologue Anton Balasingam
said they had invited leaders of these two groups for talks on issues
concerning their future and, as expected, an agreement has now been arrived
at. However, the press conference was disturbingly silent on the question of
Dalit-untouchables who constitute nearly 15 percent of the Tamil population
in Eelam. No one saw fit to raise the matter and the Eelam leadership too
chose not to dwell on it. The silence of the assembled press corps is
understandable. But the reticence of  the Tamil leadership is deliberate
neglect. A problem that has been awaiting a resolution for decades was
simply glossed over as if it did not even exist.

The primary reason for this neglect is that contemporary Sri Lanka lacks an
energetic Dalit organisation that can exert the necessary social pressure to
ensure that the issue gets the prominence it deserves. This current absence
of Dalit political leadership is conspicuous in an otherwise forceful
history of assertion. In fact, Dalit political consciousness among Sri
Lankan Tamils predates the mobilisation of their counterparts in Tamil Nadu.
The militant struggle against untouchability by Sri Lankan Dalits gives them
the distinction of being among the earliest to wage war against casteism.
But over the years the Sri Lankan Dalit movement has lost its organisational
drive, and so while the Muslims and the Estate Tamils have ensured that
their issues remain prominent on the Eelam agenda, the most oppressed of the
Tamils do not evoke even a passing mention from the Jaffna Tamils, who lead
the armed separatist struggle.

*Roots of violence*

It is customary for Tamil nationalists to regard the Jaffna Tamils as role
models, particularly because of their `achievements' in the armed struggle.
But Eelam and the Jaffna Tamils have an unsavoury tradition that does no
credit to their claim to special status. They have produced casteist,
chauvinist scholars such as Arumuga Navalar of the early 19th century, who,
echoing Manu, the preceptor of the varna system, declared that the parai
(Dalit drum), the woman and the panchama (Dalit) are "all born to get
beaten". Navalar <http://www.tamilnation.org/sathyam/east/navalar.htm> is
just one among a large company of Jaffna Tamils who stoked casteism and
helped it take strong roots in the island. The history of caste Hindu
atrocities on Dalits is long and shameful. The significant moments in the
Dalit struggle for self-respect and upper caste reprisals merit
recapitulation if only to demonstrate why this problem will not be easily
resolved.

Those who celebrate the greatness of the Tamil armed struggle are of course
careful to avoid mention of when Jaffna's earliest episodes of armed
violence took place and against whom these were directed. Violence began to
inform the Tamil landscape as early as 1944 when some caste Hindus gunned
down a Dalit as he tried to cremate the body of an old woman of his
community at the Villoonri cremation ground in Jaffna. This anti-Dalit
violence was to continue sporadically over the years. Thus, it can be said
that the culture of armed struggle began in Sri Lanka in the form of attacks
on untouchables. However, Eelam's panegyrics to itself and its armed
revolution cannot accommodate such uncomfortable facts.

In the circumstances, it is not surprising that Dalits in Sri Lanka were
forced to form political organisations much earlier than Tamil Nadu Dalits.
In fact, they were pioneers in political mobilisation even among Sri Lankan
Tamils. Tamil nationalism acquired a real political edge only in the 1940s
with the formation of the Tamilar Congress in 1944 and the Tamilarasu Party
in 1949. Dalit mobilisation preceded this by a quarter century, with the
formation of the Forum for Depressed Class Tamil Labourers in July 1927. The
forum launched an agitation for "equality in seating, equality in eating" in
1928 in protest against caste discrimination in schools where Dalit children
were forbidden from learning or dining with other children. Two years of
sustained struggle resulted in an administrative order that in grant-aided
schools low-caste children should be allowed to sit on benches instead of on
the floor or outside on the ground. In retaliation, caste Hindu Tamils burnt
down 13 schools that implemented the new regulations. And by way of
political follow-up, the elite of the Vellala community from Urelu,
Vasavilan and Punalakkattavan petitioned the government in 1930 to rescind
the equal-seating directive.

The next major effort to thwart Dalit rights took place in 1931, when the
then British government of Sri Lanka set up the Donoughmore Commission to
look into the changes to be introduced in the country's constitution. The
commission recommended the introduction of universal adult franchise in Sri
Lanka. As a result, the Dalits gained voting rights. Unable to tolerate this
development, caste Tamils, headed by prominent leaders like S. Natesan,
launched an agitation. They were ready to give up their own voting rights to
prevent Dalits from getting theirs. To demonstrate their social power, they
went one step further and imposed several new restrictions on Dalits.
According to the new draconian strictures: "Untouchable women should not
cover their torso and (must) remain half-naked. They should not wear jewels,
not use an umbrella, nor use the caste thread in marriages. Their children
should not bear the names used by dominant castes. They should not cremate,
but bury the dead bodies. They should not use footwear; should not get water
from public wells; should not sit in buses; nor send their children to
schools". These restrictions were even harsher than the restrictions imposed
in the 1930s on Dalits of Tiruchi, Ramanathapuram district in Tamil Nadu by
the dominant Kallar, Maravar and Thevar communities.

Sri Lankan political parties, including caste Tamil leaders, advanced
several reasons to oppose universal franchise. They argued that the
extension of voting rights to all would increase corruption; that only
landowners are patriotic so voting rights should be restricted to them; that
voting rights would be misused by the illiterate and that women should not
get involved in politics and hence should not be given the right to vote.
However, the Donoughmore Commission stood firm, and Dalits attained voting
rights in 1931.

Suffrage gave them some political leverage and was a boost to their
struggle, as is evident from some of the limited changes that came about in
the economic sphere. For instance, S Natesan, who was at the forefront of
the opposition to voting rights for untouchables, under compulsion of
seeking Dalit votes, had to introduce measures such as the legalisation of
the tree tax (mara-vari scheme) in 1936. This helped the Dalits involved in
the toddy business gain economic independence from upper caste Tamils. This
and other successes stimulated further attempts at forging Dalit political
unity for agitational ends.

The Conference of Oppressed Tamils in Northern Sri Lanka was organised in
August 1943. One of the outcomes of this conference was the formation of the
Northern Sri Lankan Minority Tamils Mahasabha. In order to unite Dalits all
over Sri Lanka, the Northern Sri Lanka Minority Tamils Mahasabha was renamed
the All-Sri Lankan Minority Tamils Mahasabha and its demands were enlarged
to include protection for arrack production, improving educational
opportunities for untouchables, reservation for untouchables in teacher
training and representation for untouchables in the legislature.

Meanwhile, the agenda to suppress Dalits was being continuously pursued in
the constitutional sphere. Sri Lankan political parties, dissatisfied with
the recommendations of the Donoughmore Commission, demanded a new
constitution for Sri Lanka. In 1942, these parties asked that the British
send a mission to Sri Lanka to initiate the process of writing a new
constitution for the country. In response to such pressures, London
dispatched a commission to Sri Lanka to elicit the views of the various
communities on the proposed new constitution.

*Competitive politics*

The Commission, headed by Lord Soulbury, conducted its deliberations from
December 1944 to April 1945, and held discussions with representatives of
various communities. The Minority Tamils Mahasabha decided to submit a
separate memorandum to the commission. But the Tamilar Congress Party and
its president, GG Ponnambalam, insisted that a separate submission would
affect the unified Tamil cause. To decide the issue, the Minority Tamils
Mahasabha organised a meeting in Jaffna, to which Ponnambalam was also
invited. The Mahasabha made it clear that if the Congress memorandum
included issues of Dalit welfare, particularly those concerning education,
professional rights and eradication of untouchability, it was ready to give
up its plan to submit a separate memorandum. With Ponnambalam rejecting this
demand, the Mahasabha was forced to go along with its original plan to
submit a separate memorandum.

In the hostile climate that prevailed, with the Tamilar Congress and caste
Tamils assuming a threatening attitude, the Dalit leadership was forced to
smuggle members of the Soulbury Commission to their villages in order to
show them the wretched conditions of living. But all this was of no
consequence, since the caste Hindu sentiment prevailed and the welfare of
Dalits found no place in the newly drafted constitution. Instead the
`unified Tamil' cause found safeguards in the `Soulbury Constitution', which
proscribed any legislation that would affect a community or religion. This
constitution was in force till 1972, when it was redrafted. Ironically, the
constitution that caste Hindu Tamils believed would safeguard their
interests exclusively, to the detriment of the Dalits, was later to pave the
way for their own marginalisation, as Sinhala chauvinism rode roughshod over
the clauses designed to protect minority rights.

As recommended by the Soulbury Commission, elections were held in 1947 in
which the United National Party (UNP) and the Tamilar Congress were the main
contenders. The third force was constituted of the left, represented
primarily by the breakaway factions of the sole pre-war left party - the
Lanka Samasamaja Party (LSSP). One faction of the LSSP set up the Sri Lankan
Communist Party in 1943. When M Karthikeyan introduced this party to the
Jaffna Tamils, a large number of Dalits joined it. Dalit writers like
Daniel, Dominic Jeeva, ML Subramaniam, and K Pasupathi were part of this
group. Though they joined the communist party, they continued their work
with the Minority Tamils Mahasabha, with which they had been associated in
the past.

As political consciousness among the Dalits evolved, two trends emerged
within the Minority Tamils Mahasabha. Some accepted the communist ideology
while others were content with agitating for small privileges. On the
electoral strategy, there was unanimity of opinion that they should not vote
for the Tamilar Congress, which had not only actively campaigned against the
inclusion of Dalit rights in the Soulbury constitution but had also failed
to nominate Dalit candidates in the election. There was however a difference
of opinion between the moderates and others on whether they should vote for
the UNP or the left parties. The majority of the Minority Tamils Mahasabha
campaigned for the UNP, which had appointed a Dalit to the senate. The UNP
programme was more pro-Dalit" than that of the Tamilar Congress. The UNP
campaigned against untouchability, announced several schemes for Dalit
welfare and promised to nominate a Dalit member to the assembly. For many
moderate Dalits, these assurances were aufficient ground for supporting the
UNP.

In contrast to the stand taken by the Tamilar Congress, the Tamilarasu
party, which first raised the slogan of Tamil `right to self-determination',
initially embarked on a policy of Dalit accommodation. The Tamilarasu
decided to take Tamil nationalism beyond Jaffna and unite Tamils from all
the areas, focusing on the racist attitude of the Sinhala government. As a
Tamil nationalist party it was forced by the presence of independent-minded
Dalit political organisations to address the problem of untouchability and
casteism, at least nominally. The Tamilarasu included `abolition of
untouchability' as one of its resolutions at the party's fifth conference
held in July 1957. The accommodationist compulsions of an inclusive
nationalism are evident in Tamilarasu leader Thanthai Selva's speech at the
time of the party's founding:

"If we want to qualify ourselves to win, we have to eradicate the evils in
society and purify it. Among the Tamils, there are untouchables. They think
they are oppressed by others. Ethically speaking, if we do harm to others,
someone will do the same to us. If Tamils want to attain liberation, they
must give the same to those who are deprived of their rights in our
society".

The promises and resolutions however, did not add up to much in real terms.
The Tamilarasu did not make any effort to implement them in their
parliamentary programme. Meanwhile, developments in the larger Sri Lankan
polity were to have adverse consequences for both upper caste Tamils and
Dalits. This was particularly the case with the government's chauvinist
Sinhala Only Act of 1956, which deprived all Tamils of their fundamental
rights. Despite such openly discriminatory developments, the communist party
continued to support the UNP and since by now the communists dominated the
Minority Tamils Mahasabha, many Dalit leaders had no option but to join
Tamilarasu. A new organisation, the Minority Tamils United Front was formed
with the support of the Tamilarasu party.

*Tea and temples*

In order to consolidate its support among the Dalits, the Tamilarasu pushed
for the introduction of the Prevention of Social Disabilities Act in April
1957. This act treated caste-based discrimination in public places as a
crime but imposed a fine of `not more than SLR 100' and a jail term of six
months for perpetrators of such crimes. Just how lightly the problem of
untouchability was taken is evident from a comparison with the situation
that obtained in Tamil Nadu in the 1930s. Raobahadur `Rettaimalai'
Seenivasan (a Tamil Dalit leader who attended the Round Table Conference
with BR Ambedkar) says in his autobiography that a fine of INR 100 was
imposed on those who prevented untouchables from using public wells, ponds
and the market. In 27 years the real value of the rupee had declined, but
there obviously was very little change in the legal attitude to
untouchability. In the interest of condign punishment, if nothing else the
depreciation of the currency could have been factored into punitive fines.

With such weak protective laws to help them survive with dignity, Dalits had
to increasingly address their own social issues through direct action to
force political parties to heed their plight. In October 1958, the Minority
Tamils Mahasabha gave a call for a "teashop entry movement". The Mahasabha
delivered an ultimatum demanding that teashops should begin admitting Dalits
before 13 December, failing which they would agitate in front of the
offending establishments. This movement put pressure on the Tamilarasu
Party, which responded by announcing an "annihilation of untouchability
week" from 24 November. The party, keen to prevent the division of its Tamil
base, initiated a dialogue with the teashop owners in Jaffna. As a result,
two teashops run by non-Tamil south Indians admitted untouchables. Others
soon followed suit.

It is a singular irony of Sri Lankan politics that Dalits attained the right
to vote in 1931, but had to struggle for another 27 years before they could
drink tea in public with dignity. But though teashop doors had opened,
school gates remained shut.

It was only through the efforts of the Communist Party leader Pon Kandaiah
that 15 schools for the children of the Dalit community were opened.
Competitive politics involving the communist and the Tamilarasu parties, in
the context of organised Dalit activity, was clearly a determining factor in
securing some limited policy gains. Changes in the nature of competitive
politics were to have adverse consequences for the Dalits. This is most
clearly evident from the developments in the aftermath of the split in the
Communist Party in 1964 and the subsequent participation of Tamilarasu in
the UNP-led government in 1965.

As part of its constituency building, N Shanmugathasan's communist party led
the popular temple-entry movements, apart from launching agitations to seize
untitled lands and access water from public wells. Newspapers almost daily
carried stories about Dalit agitation - among others, the burning of
Kandasamy temple chariot in April 1968 and the riots that took place during
the staging of the play Kandan Karunai in June 1969. In response,
Tamilarasu, the Tamil nationalist party, strongly criticised this agitation.
The Tamilarasu leadership had become concentrated in the hands of a
Colombo-based group with representatives from the dominant communities in
Jaffna. The political resolutions of the party were drafted in accordance
with the interests of the dominant caste of Jaffna, the Vellalas.

By the 1970s, Sri Lankan politics had taken a turn for the worse, acquiring
an increasingly ethnic character, as the politics of Sinhala-Tamil
accommodation began giving way to conflict. Tamil nationalism intensified in
response to the continuous Sinhala racist policies. The Tamilarasu, having
compromised itself by participating in the government, began to lose its
base among Tamils. The major racist attack of 1983 opened a new trend in the
country's politics, particularly Tamil politics. While Sinhala politics
continued to be competitive, Tamil politics became the monopoly of a
nationalism that subsumed every other division within society in the
interest of an overarching unity that refused to admit intra-ethnic
differences.

*Caste and the Tiger*

The rise of armed struggle after 1983 and the consequent fall of democratic
movements became a major hurdle in the way of an independent Dalit movement.
Since nationalism could not concede even the slightest hint of an inner
contradiction, writers who continuously focused on the problem of
`panchamars' were dubbed enemies of the Tamil nation. The Tamil national
liberation movement suppressed the voice of the Dalits. The discrimination
that followed from Sinhala majoritarianism in education and employment
largely affected caste Tamils. But the ethnic conflict drew Dalits into the
circle of violence. As the conflict heightened, well-to-do caste Tamils fled
to foreign lands, but Dalits who lacked the resources to follow suit
remained in Eelam, and consequently were recruited into the armed struggle.
This trend intensified in the 1990s and today the majority of LTTE cadres
happen to be Dalit.

The increased participation of Dalits and women in the armed struggle had
the paradoxical effect of loosening some of the more rigid strictures of
Hindu society that are incompatible with the flexibility required by armed
combat. But this did not lead to Dalit issues being addressed in any formal
or concrete sense. The changes that have taken place are merely pragmatic
adaptations dictated by necessity. Even so, caste Tamils, who see themselves
as the sole representatives of all Tamils, are uncomfortable with this new
state of affairs since they fear that the rigid rules of subordination will
be permanently breached. As if to reinforce the orthodoxy, while limited
social change has been taking place in the Lankan Tamil homeland, emigre
caste Tamils have reinforced caste distinctions in their adopted countries.

Clearly, migration to foreign lands has not mitigated the effects of caste;
caste feelings remain strong and there is little reason to believe that the
pragmatic concessions that the Tamil society in the home country has made in
conditions of war will last when and if peace arrives. Hence, it is
important to ask whether the (interim) government that will be formed after
the peace initiatives will address the problems of the Dalits. Dalits have
played a crucial role in the powerful struggle that forced the Sinhala
government to negotiate, but it is increasingly looking like the LTTE will
abandon the Dalits when there is no longer any need for their services.
Caste Tamils in Eelam could well give vent to their caste feelings once the
climate of fear is dispelled. To avoid such a situation, the Dalits need to
procure some assurances.

The details of the LTTE's understanding with the Estate Tamils and Muslims
are not very clear. Yet, the concessions that the latter have managed to
extract over the last two decades is instructive at least as a modular
specimen to be imitated. On 21 April 1988 an agreement, based on talks held
in Madras on 15, 16 and 19 April 1988, was reached between the leaders of
Muslim United Front and the Tigers. The 18-point agreement, signed by Kittu
alias Sadasivam Krishnakumar for the Tigers and MIM Moheedin for the Muslim
United Front, recognised the cultural and social distinctness of the Muslims
and provided constitutional safeguards to them. 33 percent of the population
in the eastern territory is Muslim and the figure is 18 percent for the
northeast. Hence, the agreement stated that not less than 30 percent of
state assembly seats should be given to them, besides giving them an
unspecified representation in the ministry. Based on the percentage of
Muslims living in each district  in the northeast, proportional reservation
would be given to them in jobs in the public sector. It was also agreed that
an Islamic university would be started with special educational facilities.
The chief ministership of the northeastern province would rotate between
Muslims and `others'.

Such an agreement is important for the Dalits. A similar agreement could now
be chalked out to provide education, jobs and land to the Dalits. The
demands made in the resolutions of the Minority Tamils Mahasabha and the
plan of action put forth in the movements for eradication of untouchability
(by the communists in the 1960s) should also be taken into account in such
an agreement. If the future is to be insured against social conflict, the
Tigers will have to come forward unilaterally to provide a solution to the
Dalit problem. The current absence of a Dalit movement is no indication that
there will not be one in future. The long war has paved the way for change,
and the long negotiation for peace has forced on the LTTE many unprecedented
changes in their policy. This new found flexibility can be the basis for a
long-term vision to secure genuine democracy. And that can happen only when
the problems of the most oppressed are substantially addressed. This is the
primary duty of
 a democratic dispensation and to fulfil that the Tiger must lose its caste.

 <http://www.tamilnation.org/forum/aryan/index.htm#top>

On Wed, Sep 17, 2008 at 12:48 PM, Radhakrishnan
<krishnanrr at rediffmail.com>wrote:

> One is rather amused at the "scholarly" attempts in the production of
> multiple truths.
>
> Bhagat Singh was branded as a terrorist by the British colonial, alien
> government and not by the government of an independent nation. Similarly
> Nelson Mandela was branded as a terrorist by a minority white government in
> South Africa. Kindly don't drag and demean the contibution of Bhagat Singh
> by invoking such twisted logic.
>
> Finally thanks to Simran for enlightening folks about LTTE, its ethnic
> affiliation and non-religious orientation. Defining the LTTE as Hindu terror
> outfit runs in consonance to popular myth that Tamils worship Ravana - the
> villian of Ramayan, notwithstanding the fact that it was a battle between a
> Kshatriya and a Brahmin.
>
> Radhakrishnan
>
>
> On Wed, 17 Sep 2008 reader-list-request at sarai.net wrote :
> >Send reader-list mailing list submissions to
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> >Today's Topics:
> >
> >    1. [Announcements] green unplugged Festival (Monica Narula)
> >    2. Caste and Landlessness in Kerala: Signals from  Chengara : KT
> >       Rammohan (Anivar Aravind)
> >    3. Re: Some Points from discussions (Rahul Asthana)
> >    4. Re: after yesterday in Delhi (simran chadha)
> >
> >
> >----------------------------------------------------------------------
> >
> >Message: 1
> >Date: Tue, 16 Sep 2008 21:48:40 +0530
> > From: Monica Narula <monica at sarai.net>
> >Subject: [Reader-list] [Announcements] green unplugged Festival
> >To: announcements at sarai.net
> >Message-ID: <9B319812-B8E7-42CE-AE39-1E3CCC764B6A at sarai.net>
> >Content-Type: text/plain; charset="utf-8"
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> >FYI
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> >green  unplugged
> >Share your vision, your spirit, your film.
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> >ABOUT FESTIVAL :
> >
> >Culture Unplugged Studios will be launching 'Green Unplugged' - the
> >festival where we unite to share our voices, not only as film-makers
> >but culture-makers. The festival will facilitate contemplation,
> >connection & celebration of life, culture & nature through cinema. We
> >invite your green & socially conscious films that bring to light
> >nature's demand to wake us to our future - an integrated individual
> >and the human society. Share stories that reveal where we come from,
> >our collective journey leading to our present and contemplating the
> >path beyond.
> >
> >With this, Culture Unplugged wishes to create a global community of
> >conscious creatives and their audiences, to reflect  on issues and
> >life experiences in contemporary world â€" creatives/storytellers
> >wishing to express and exchange  primarily through language of film
> >(visual/aural communication), framing the spirit in motion.
> >
> >
> >FESTIVAL DATE :  2008-2009
> >
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> >Michael Pyser (Producer, USA, Several Oscar Nomination)
> >Shekhar Kapoor (Film-maker/Director, India, Oscar Nominated 2007)
> >
> >------------------------------------------------------------------------
> >--------------------------
> >Last date for receiving of the film 1st week of Novemeber, 2008
> >
> >If you participate in the festival, you will be contacted shortly
> >prior to the launch of this festival. Post festival, we will be
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> >Monica Narula
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> >------------------------------
> >
> >Message: 2
> >Date: Wed, 17 Sep 2008 10:47:43 +0530
> > From: "Anivar Aravind" <anivar.aravind at gmail.com>
> >Subject: [Reader-list] Caste and Landlessness in Kerala: Signals from
> >       Chengara : KT Rammohan
> >To: Greenyouth <greenyouth at googlegroups.com>,  "Reader List"
> >       <reader-list at sarai.net>
> >Message-ID:
> >       <35f96d470809162217n5910bb3bxc91e89c54440140b at mail.gmail.com>
> >Content-Type: text/plain; charset="UTF-8"
> >
> > >From current EPW issue
> >
> >Caste and Landlessness in Kerala: Signals from Chengara
> >  K T Rammohan
> >
> >The persistence of colonial patterns of ownership of plantations in
> >Kerala remains one of the enduring weaknesses of the land reforms
> >programme of the 1970s in the state. The case of Chengara's landless
> >dalits underlines the necessity to address the issue of land reforms
> >once again.
> >Read the full article
> >http://www.epw.in/uploads/articles/12642.pdf
> >
> >Anivar
> >
> >
> >------------------------------
> >
> >Message: 3
> >Date: Tue, 16 Sep 2008 22:21:16 -0700 (PDT)
> > From: Rahul Asthana <rahul_capri at yahoo.com>
> >Subject: Re: [Reader-list] Some Points from discussions
> >To: kshmendra2005 at yahoo.com, sarai list <reader-list at sarai.net>,
> Vivek
> >       Narayanan <vivek at sarai.net>
> >Message-ID: <792548.85529.qm at web53602.mail.re2.yahoo.com>
> >Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii"
> >
> >
> >How about a Hong Kong like solution,with autonomy in all areas except
> defense and foreign affairs? IK can stay with India and PK with Pak,for  the
> purpose of defense and foreign affairs.IK and PK can have a fluid border
> with each other,but India and Pak can apply their immigration policy on the
> border of Kashmir with the rest of the country.The situation can be reviewed
> by India , Pak and Kashmir after 5 years.
> >
> >--- On Tue, 9/16/08, Vivek Narayanan <vivek at sarai.net> wrote:
> >
> > > From: Vivek Narayanan <vivek at sarai.net>
> > > Subject: Re: [Reader-list] Some Points from discussions
> > > To: kshmendra2005 at yahoo.com, "sarai list" <reader-list at sarai.net>
> > > Date: Tuesday, September 16, 2008, 7:55 PM
> > > I did not say you wrote that Kshmendra, I said that I was
> > > given to
> > > understand it that way from what you were saying.  Hence,
> > > the question
> > > mark in my note below. Perhaps you are being a little too
> > > intelligently
> > > vague. In any case, if you do think there are possibilities
> > > here beyond
> > > the nation state, including beyond occupation by and
> > > assertion and
> > > domination of the Indian nation state, I'd be very glad
> > > to hear of them.
> > >
> > > Kshmendra Kaul wrote:
> > > >
> > > > Dear Vivek
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > > Either I did not know what I was writing or you chose
> > > not understand.
> > > > Either way that is unfortunate. You would not want
> > > that happening with
> > > > you. Would you?
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > > Where in this particular thread have I mentioned or
> > > suggested that :
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > > """"  any possible
> > > "post-national" solution to the question of
> > > Kashmir
> > > > is hogwash,
> > > > dreamy, silly,
> > > unthinkable"""""
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > > Once you answer that, I could (perhaps tomorrow)
> > > address rest of what
> > > > you have written.
> > > >
> > > >
> > > >
> > > > Kshmendra
> > > >
> > > >
> > >
> > > _________________________________________
> > > reader-list: an open discussion list on media and the city.
> > > Critiques & Collaborations
> > > To subscribe: send an email to
> > > reader-list-request at sarai.net with subscribe in the subject
> > > header.
> > > To unsubscribe:
> > > https://mail.sarai.net/mailman/listinfo/reader-list
> > > List archive:
> > > <https://mail.sarai.net/pipermail/reader-list/>
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >------------------------------
> >
> >Message: 4
> >Date: Wed, 17 Sep 2008 12:15:07 +0530 (IST)
> > From: simran chadha <getsim2222 at yahoo.co.in>
> >Subject: Re: [Reader-list] after yesterday in Delhi
> >To: Partha Dasgupta <parthaekka at gmail.com>
> >Cc: reader-list at sarai.net
> >Message-ID: <533939.66567.qm at web8705.mail.in.yahoo.com>
> >Content-Type: text/plain; charset="utf-8"
> >
> >Hey Partha and Kshmendra!
> >Â
> >was just curious as to how you called the LTTE a Hindu organisation and
> later ofcourse corrected it by referred to the strong christian elements.
> Sorry, but religion has never played a determining role in the LTTE and
> certainly not Hinduism. The Kovils may have been used as hiding places,
> incidentally, or even for visting on festive occasions or distribution of
> prasad - its a guerilla warfare after all so the terraine is as much a part
> of the mise-en-scene;Â but never never was religion co-mingled with the
> carrying out of a terrorist act. Rather the complete absence of God and
> religion is what makes the LTTE so different from any other terrorist
> outfit, in south asia or japan or ireland. Check out their marching song! or
> the matyrs day celebration - no recourse to any higher form of authority
> than the human.
> >yes, charles anthony - prabhakaran's son, who heads the LTTE airforce
> bears a christian name but no belssing of any saint are sort before or
> after.
> >my question still remains and i would be glad to be informed, where did u
> get the religious connection from - the manifesto, the documents by the
> Balasingham's where?
> >simran
> >
> >--- On Tue, 16/9/08, Partha Dasgupta <parthaekka at gmail.com> wrote:
> >
> > From: Partha Dasgupta <parthaekka at gmail.com>
> >Subject: Re: [Reader-list] after yesterday in Delhi
> >To: kshmendra2005 at yahoo.com
> >Cc: Date: Tuesday, 16 September, 2008, 6:25 PM
> >
> >Dear Kshmendra,
> >The questions you have asked about 'what is terror', etc is something I
> >would not like to elaborate on as each has his/her own interpretation.
> >
> >Bhagat Singh is a freedom fighter as far as we Indians are concerned, but
> >for the govt of the day he was a terrorist. There is no 'standard'
> >definition of what a terrorist is and each person / entity would translate
> >the word in their own way.
> >
> >As for defining LTTE as Hindu terrorists - guess that question is wide
> open
> >depending upon what we use as the pointer. If the primary factor is what
> >religion / group do they belong to, then we'd have a ready answer.
> >
> >If, however, we look beyond and try to identify the aim / purpose behind
> the
> >conflict, there'd be another answer all together - some of them not very
> >clear.
> >
> >Even if a 'terrorist' follows a ideology/religion/place/societal group
> >-
> >that's a personal root that s/he has. It does not follow that all people
> of
> >the ideology/religion/place/societal group follow the same radical
> >conclusion.
> >
> >Guess we could go on and on - fact is that we'll all equate the phrase
> >'terrorist' from our personal point of view and experiences.
> >
> >Apologies for sounding vague, but you started a line of thought that I'd
> >never really looked at before.
> >
> >Rgds, Partha
> >.................................
> >
> >On Tue, Sep 16, 2008 at 5:07 PM, Kshmendra Kaul
> ><kshmendra2005 at yahoo.com>wrote:
> >
> > > Dear Partha
> > >
> > > My questioning of the LTTE being called Hindu was to help me in my
> > > discussions with my own self.
> > >
> > > I am still struggling in my mind over 'what is terror'; 'who
> >is a
> > > terrorist'; 'when should an organisation (or a system) be called a
> >terrorist
> > > one' and 'when should an act of terror, or a terrorist, or a
> >terrorist
> > > organisation be identified with an ideology/religion/place/societal
> >group'.
> > >
> > > There is total agreement with your words:
> > >
> > > """""" The terrorist may belong to any
> >religion or caste or place or
> > > whatever - however, lumping all the people of that religion or caste or
> > > place as terrorists because one or some people from that group
> performed
> > > 'acts of terrorism' is not
> >justifiable."""""""
> > >
> > > Kshmendra
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > --- On *Tue, 9/16/08, Partha Dasgupta <parthaekka at gmail.com>* wrote:
> > >
> > > From: Partha Dasgupta <parthaekka at gmail.com>
> > > Subject: Re: [Reader-list] after yesterday in Delhi
> > > To: kshmendra2005 at yahoo.com
> > > Cc: reader-list at sarai.net
> > > Date: Tuesday, September 16, 2008, 9:37 AM
> > >
> > >
> > >  Dear Kshmendra,
> > > Studied in Baroda / Vadodra and saw communal rights flare up on
> > > the weirdest of reasons. Have seen a close friend who wouldn't kill
> > > cockroaches try to burn a bus in the frenzy of a mob.
> > >
> > > As for defining the LTTE as Hindu - my point is different, and is
> >something
> > > I have mentioned earlier. The terrorist may belong to any religion or
> >caste
> > > or place or whatever - however, lumping all the people of that religion
> or
> > > caste or place as terrorists because one or some people from that group
> > > performed 'acts of terrorism' is not justifiable.
> > >
> > > In short, am against the mass generalization wherein we identify an
> entire
> > > group a 'terrorists'.
> > >
> > > To put it the other way around, am a Hindu, but do not identify with
> the
> > > demolition of the Babri Masjid or the attacks on Christians that is
> > > happening. Just a personal belief, but if any person is converting to
> > > another faith for benefits accrued then obviously his faith wasn't
> >strong in
> > > the first place & s/he won't be much of a loss.
> > >
> > > Rgds, Partha
> > > .......................................
> > >
> > > On Mon, Sep 15, 2008 at 7:17 PM, Kshmendra Kaul
> ><kshmendra2005 at yahoo.com>wrote:
> > >
> > >> Dear Partha
> > >>
> > >> Do not mean to butt in.
> > >>
> > >> Just wondering whether any 'acts of terrorrising' by the LTTE
> >can be
> > >> designated as 'acts of terrorising' by Hindus.
> > >>
> > >> Would it not be more apt to link 'acts of terror' with a
> >religious
> > >> identity when such 'acts of terror' are carried out in the
> >name a particular
> > >> religion or are solely based on the religious identity?
> > >>
> > >> There are many instances of 'acts of terror by Hindus' which
> >can be so
> > >> designated because they are carried out in the name of Hinduism or are
> > >> solely based upon and connected to the Hindu identity of the
> >perpetrators.
> > >>
> > >> Just wondering.
> > >>
> > >> Kshmendra
> > >>
> > >> --- On Sun, 9/14/08, Partha Dasgupta <
> > >> partha.dasgupta at eliteinfomachine.com> wrote:
> > >>
> > >> From: Partha Dasgupta <partha.dasgupta at eliteinfomachine.com>
> > >> Subject: Re: [Reader-list] after yesterday in Delhi
> > >> To: radhikarajen at vsnl.net
> > >> Cc: reader-list at sarai.net
> > >> Date: Sunday, September 14, 2008, 4:28 PM
> > >>
> > >> Dear Radhika Rajen,
> > >>
> > >> In may mails on this list you have pointed out how the elected
> > >> representative is only a beneficiary divided caste votes and not a
> >true
> > >> representative.
> > >>
> > >> Now you jump to another point altogether and talk about the UPA
> > >> chairperson
> > >> and the eloctorate.
> > >>
> > >> Please  stick to a viewpoint as it is hard to trace what your
> >viewpoint
> > >> is.
> > >> If you have changed your viewpoint, then please denote so.
> > >>
> > >> In any case, saw the killings (directly and first hand in Delhi)
> >during
> > >> the
> > >> Sikh militancy days and have seen communal riots in Baroda, Gujarat;
> >and
> > >> all
> > >> I can say is that when herd mentality takes over the common sense is
> >lost.
> > >>
> > >> Also, from Babri Masjid to the incapable idiots who got blown up some
> >time
> > >> back, we have seen Hindu militancy.
> > >>
> > >> Either we can agree that militancy in all forms is wrong or we can
> >quibble
> > >> about shades of right or wrong.
> > >>
> > >> So, where do you stand:
> > >>
> > >> a)   Militancy & armed conflict is wrong
> > >>
> > >> OR
> > >>
> > >> b)   Hindu's are allowed to have a conflict as they have been
> >repressed as
> > >> a
> > >> majority
> > >>      and that cases like Godhra, Sikh killings in Delhi and Babri
> >Masjid
> > >> are justified.
> > >>
> > >> Rgds, Partha
> > >>
> > >> PS: I do note that when you talk of terror, you never refer to the
> >LTTE
> > >> (Hindu & Indian) which is considered as one of the most dangerous
> > >> terrorist
> > >> organisations and has killed a Prime Minister of India (and is not
> >Muslim
> > >> or
> > >> Christian) or the killing of Indira Gandi - or is it that since they
> >were
> > >> not BJP/RSS that you do not consider them a loss?
> > >> .....................................................
> > >>
> > >> On Sun, Sep 14, 2008 at 4:05 PM, <radhikarajen at vsnl.net> wrote:
> > >>
> > >> > Without getting in to blame games, the need of the moment is the
> > >> > chairperson of UPA who is now proxy governor of the nation should
> >have
> > >> good
> > >> > introspection of the events and see if her Home Minister who was
> >once
> > >> > speaker, but discarded by the electorate, got into rajya sabha by
> > >> nomination
> > >> >  and then is the Home minister, is he capable of any action. A
> >dummy
> > >> like
> > >> > Prime minister, again diitto to the governance who has no
> >incentive to
> > >> > perform as Prime minister being discard beaucrat, has been  of
> >yester
> > >> years,
> > >> > can not make up his mind to take tough action for fear of
> >votebank
> > >> getting
> > >> > "hurt". By this inaction, in actual practise muslims
> >are getting
> > >> branded as
> > >> > terrorists for the simple reason, they are not willing to be
> >ready to
> > >> > identify, isolate and give up those who indulge in terror
> >activities. It
> > >> is
> > >> > sad scene indeed. Wheras the hindus do not want violence and
> >bhajrang
> > >> dal
> > >> > gets no sympathy for its acts of violence, muslims by floating
> >NGOs to
> > >> > defend the accused are helping the ter
> > >> > ror accused, sheltoring the accused for plain and simple lots of
> >money
> > >> in
> > >> > the trade of defending the terror.
> > >> >
> > >> > regards.
> > >> >
> > >> > ----- Original Message -----
> > >> > From: Priya Sen <senpriya at gmail.com>
> > >> > Date: Sunday, September 14, 2008 3:18 pm
> > >> > Subject: [Reader-list] after yesterday in Delhi
> > >> > To: reader-list at sarai.net
> > >> >
> > >> > > Dear All,
> > >> > >
> > >> > > India Gate, September 13th, 6:20 or so in the evening. I had
> > >> > > decided to walk
> > >> > > from Triveni Academy towards Khan Market, determined to buy
> >a
> > >> > > bicycle and
> > >> > > thinking, it's getting dark and maybe I should wait
> >until Monday
> > >> > > and I
> > >> > > shouldn't tell my mother about my biking plans and even
> >though I
> > >> > > plan to
> > >> > > ride early mornings I need to ride it back home now and so
> >on and
> > >> > > so forth.
> > >> > > India Gate was as India Gate is on a weekend evening.
> >Walking
> > >> > > through it
> > >> > > made me think of other times I had been there, a few
> >specific
> > >> > > memories and a
> > >> > > general sense of being in Delhi - of familiarity and ease
> > from
> > >> > > having been
> > >> > > here for as long as I have, and of curiousity, the kind that
> >comes
> > >> > > fromknowing that places are never the same - making mental
> >notes
> > >> > > for no one
> > >> > > really about the Kwality Walls ice cream cart that had a
> >board
> > >> > > saying 'Old
> > >> > > Vendor, India Gate since 1956', and the astrologer who
> >sits in
> > >> the
> > >> > > sameplace always, and people with video cameras filming the
> >gate
> > >> > > who always make
> > >> > > me wonder at what they think  when they play it back later.
> >It
> > >> > > took 15
> > >> > > minutes to cross over to Shah Jahan Road. Me, a couple of
> >young
> > >> > > men, and a
> > >> > > papad seller who the policeman who was also waiting for the
> >lights to
> > >> > > change, generally swore at, and I laughed at how swearing is
> >so
> > >> > > integral to
> > >> > > ones day in Delhi.
> > >> > >
> > >> > >
> > >> > > Later I heard there were a couple of bombs that were
> >defused, one
> > >> > > at Regal
> > >> > > Cinema and one at India Gate. I realized how many stories
> >there
> > >> > > are now. Of
> > >> > > yesterday. Of where we were when.. . Of places we know so
> >well. Of
> > >> > > our lives
> > >> > > up until the moment life changed for so many people in our
> >city.
> > >> > > Of the
> > >> > > things that make our days what they are and will continue
> >to.
> > >> > > Everyone will
> > >> > > have a story because everyone needs to claim something from
> > >> > > moments like
> > >> > > these. And everyone (in this city) must because this moment
> >was
> > >> > > about Delhi.
> > >> > > It's happened before. Here, in other places, it will
> >happen again
> > >> > > and again
> > >> > > and these will be 'the times according to people who
> >live in
> > >> these
> > >> > > times'.And all we can really do is to embrace our lives
> >a little
> > >> > > harder.
> > >> > >
> > >> > > The last time I mourned for this city, a little like this,
> >is when
> > >> > > I watched
> > >> > > Nanglamachi being demolished and people gathering their
> >lives into
> > >> > > bundlesand tempos and going wherever. The ruthlessness was
> > >> > > overwhelming. Not to
> > >> > > make analogies here. Although nothing wrong with analogies
> >and
> > >> > > other things
> > >> > > that make us feel what we feel. No rules for that! Think,
> >feel
> > >> > > whatever -
> > >> > > it's all part of the way we make sense of things on day
> >2. It was
> > >> like
> > >> > > watching the news right after the blasts happened, when the
> > >> > > reporters were
> > >> > > as bewildered as everyone else. Somehow in their floundering
> >the news
> > >> > > channels were credible for a moment. Before the information
> > >> > > started coming
> > >> > > in and before they started interpreting it, that is. We know
> >what
> > >> > > they do
> > >> > > and do well. Nothing is surprising, just a bit defeating and
> >then
> > >> > > you think
> > >> > > why. Maybe we're defeated by the way we think, are told
> >to think,
> > >> > > don'tthink. Maybe sometimes it has nothing to do with
> >how we
> > >> live.
> > >> > >
> > >> > >
> > >> > > Delhi feels quiet today, but that's also from where I
> >am. Also
> > >> > > it's Sunday.
> > >> > > It will probably not seem very different when I go out later
> >in the
> > >> > > afternoon. But my sister called me this morning and was in
> >tears
> > >> > > and saying
> > >> > > she couldn't sleep because of all this and is feeling
> >restless
> > >> > > because lakhs
> > >> > > of people are going to be out on the streets today for
> >Ganapati
> > >> > > visarjan in
> > >> > > Bombay. For her it's about Bombay as well, the place
> >where she
> > >> has
> > >> > > her life.
> > >> > > When public places become vulnerable it means having to make
> > >> > > decisions about
> > >> > > things one doesn't necessarily think about. It's
> >about
> > >> everything
> > >> > > outside of
> > >> > > us that is essential to how we construct our lives. It's
> >about
> > >> > > everydaydecisions, small things, immediate concerns. About
> >being
> > >> > > able to imagine,
> > >> > > and dream and lose ourselves in places. For a few days we
> >will be
> > >> > > excruciatingly aware of how we move around the city. There
> >will be
> > >> > > remorseand anxiety and conversation. We will share a common
> >grief,
> > >> > > in degrees, and
> > >> > > it will bring us together more intensely. We will count and
> >blame and
> > >> > > speculate. And then we will thankfully, move on.
> > >> > >
> > >> > >
> > >> > > Right now though, I would rather not. Not for today. I just
> >want
> > >> > > to be with
> > >> > > what this city means to me. Aside from its symbols, its
> >creation
> > >> > > of itself,
> > >> > > its skewed power dynamics and unbearable inequalities. A
> >friend
> > >> > > and I are
> > >> > > convinced that "Delhi steps in when we really need
> >something
> > >> to.".
> > >> > > Like the
> > >> > > wisdom of places. Not to get melodramatic! I'm glad I
> >was here
> > >> > > when this
> > >> > > happened and not somewhere else.
> > >> > >
> > >> > >
> > >> > > Regards,
> > >> > >
> > >> > >
> > >> > > Priya
> > >> > >
> > >> > > --
> > >> > > Priya Sen
> > >> > > Sarai-CSDS
> > >> > > 29, Rajpur Road, Civil Lines
> > >> > > Delhi - 110054
> > >> > > priya at sarai.net
> > >> > > _________________________________________
> > >> > > reader-list: an open discussion list on media and the city.
> > >> > > Critiques & Collaborations
> > >> > > To subscribe: send an email to reader-list-request at sarai.net
> >with
> > >> > > subscribe in the subject header.
> > >> > > To unsubscribe:
> >https://mail.sarai.net/mailman/listinfo/reader-
> > >> > > list
> > >> > > List archive:
> ><https://mail.sarai.net/pipermail/reader-list/>
> > >> >
> > >> >
> > >> > _________________________________________
> > >> > reader-list: an open discussion list on media and the city.
> > >> > Critiques & Collaborations
> > >> > To subscribe: send an email to reader-list-request at sarai.net with
> > >> > subscribe in the subject header.
> > >> > To unsubscribe:
> >https://mail.sarai.net/mailman/listinfo/reader-list
> > >> > List archive:
> ><https://mail.sarai.net/pipermail/reader-list/>
> > >> >
> > >>
> > >>
> > >>
> > >> --
> > >> Partha Dasgupta
> > >> +919811047132
> > >>  _________________________________________
> > >> reader-list: an open discussion list on media and the city.
> > >> Critiques & Collaborations
> > >> To subscribe: send an email to reader-list-request at sarai.net with
> > >> subscribe in
> > >> the subject header.
> > >> To unsubscribe: https://mail.sarai.net/mailman/listinfo/reader-list
> > >> List archive: <https://mail.sarai.net/pipermail/reader-list/>
> > >>
> > >>
> > >>
> > >> _________________________________________
> > >> reader-list: an open discussion list on media and the city.
> > >> Critiques & Collaborations
> > >> To subscribe: send an email to reader-list-request at sarai.net with
> > >> subscribe in the subject header.
> > >> To unsubscribe: https://mail.sarai.net/mailman/listinfo/reader-list
> > >> List archive: <https://mail.sarai.net/pipermail/reader-list/>
> > >>
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > --
> > > Partha Dasgupta
> > > +919811047132
> > >
> > >
> > >
> >
> >
> >--
> >Partha Dasgupta
> >+919811047132
> >_________________________________________
> >reader-list: an open discussion list on media and the city.
> >Critiques & Collaborations
> >To subscribe: send an email to reader-list-request at sarai.net with
> subscribe in
> >the subject header.
> >To unsubscribe: https://mail.sarai.net/mailman/listinfo/reader-list
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> >
> >
> >       Get an email ID as yourname at ymail.com or yourname at rocketmail.com.
> Click here http://in.promos.yahoo.com/address
> >
> >------------------------------
> >
> >_______________________________________________
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> >
> >End of reader-list Digest, Vol 62, Issue 101
> >********************************************
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