[Reader-list] Obamas Speech in Cairo

[Pawan Durani]

Thank you very much.  Good afternoon.  I am honored to be in the
timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable
institutions.  For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a
beacon of Islamic learning; and for over a century, Cairo University
has been a source of Egypt's advancement.  And together, you represent
the harmony between tradition and progress.  I'm grateful for your
hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt.  And I'm also
proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a
greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country:  Assalaamu
alaykum. (Applause.)

We meet at a time of great tension between the United States and
Muslims around the world -- tension rooted in historical forces that
go beyond any current policy debate.  The relationship between Islam
and the West includes centuries of coexistence and cooperation, but
also conflict and religious wars.  More recently, tension has been fed
by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims,
and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority countries were too often
treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations.  Moreover,
the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many
Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.

Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent
minority of Muslims.  The attacks of September 11, 2001 and the
continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against
civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably
hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human
rights.  All this has bred more fear and more mistrust.

So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will
empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, those who promote
conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people
achieve justice and prosperity.  And this cycle of suspicion and
discord must end.

I've come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning between the United
States and Muslims around the world, one based on mutual interest and
mutual respect, and one based upon the truth that America and Islam
are not exclusive and need not be in competition.  Instead, they
overlap, and share common principles -- principles of justice and
progress; tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.

I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight.  I know
there's been a lot of publicity about this speech, but no single
speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time
that I have this afternoon all the complex questions that brought us
to this point.  But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we
must say openly to each other the things we hold in our hearts and
that too often are said only behind closed doors.  There must be a
sustained effort to listen to each other; to learn from each other; to
respect one another; and to seek common ground.  As the Holy Koran
tells us, "Be conscious of God and speak always the truth."
(Applause.)  That is what I will try to do today -- to speak the truth
as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief
that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than
the forces that drive us apart.

Now part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I'm a
Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes
generations of Muslims.  As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia
and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and at the fall
of dusk.  As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many
found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.

As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam.  It
was Islam -- at places like Al-Azhar -- that carried the light of
learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's
Renaissance and Enlightenment.  It was innovation in Muslim
communities -- (applause) -- it was innovation in Muslim communities
that developed the order of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of
navigation; our mastery of pens and printing; our understanding of how
disease spreads and how it can be healed.  Islamic culture has given
us majestic arches and soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished
music; elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation.  And
throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the
possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality.  (Applause.)

I also know that Islam has always been a part of America's story.  The
first nation to recognize my country was Morocco.  In signing the
Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President, John Adams, wrote,
"The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the
laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims."  And since our founding,
American Muslims have enriched the United States.  They have fought in
our wars, they have served in our government, they have stood for
civil rights, they have started businesses, they have taught at our
universities, they've excelled in our sports arenas, they've won Nobel
Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch.  And
when the first Muslim American was recently elected to Congress, he
took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran
that one of our Founding Fathers -- Thomas Jefferson -- kept in his
personal library.  (Applause.)

So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region
where it was first revealed.  That experience guides my conviction
that partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam
is, not what it isn't.  And I consider it part of my responsibility as
President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes
of Islam wherever they appear. (Applause.)

But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America.
(Applause.)  Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is
not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire.  The United
States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world
has ever known.  We were born out of revolution against an empire.  We
were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have
shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words
-- within our borders, and around the world.  We are shaped by every
culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple
concept:  E pluribus unum -- "Out of many, one."

Now, much has been made of the fact that an African American with the
name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected President.  (Applause.)
But my personal story is not so unique.  The dream of opportunity for
all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise
exists for all who come to our shores -- and that includes nearly 7
million American Muslims in our country today who, by the way, enjoy
incomes and educational levels that are higher than the American
average.  (Applause.)

Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to
practice one's religion.  That is why there is a mosque in every state
in our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders.  That's why
the United States government has gone to court to protect the right of
women and girls to wear the hijab and to punish those who would deny
it.  (Applause.)

So let there be no doubt:  Islam is a part of America.  And I believe
that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race,
religion, or station in life, all of us share common aspirations -- to
live in peace and security; to get an education and to work with
dignity; to love our families, our communities, and our God.  These
things we share.  This is the hope of all humanity.

Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of
our task.  Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people.  These
needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead; and if we
understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our failure to
meet them will hurt us all.

For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial
system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere.  When a
new flu infects one human being, all are at risk.  When one nation
pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all
nations.  When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains,
people are endangered across an ocean.  When innocents in Bosnia and
Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience.
(Applause.)  That is what it means to share this world in the 21st
century.  That is the responsibility we have to one another as human
beings.

And this is a difficult responsibility to embrace.  For human history
has often been a record of nations and tribes -- and, yes, religions
-- subjugating one another in pursuit of their own interests.  Yet in
this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating.  Given our
interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of
people over another will inevitably fail.  So whatever we think of the
past, we must not be prisoners to it.  Our problems must be dealt with
through partnership; our progress must be shared.  (Applause.)

Now, that does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed,
it suggests the opposite:  We must face these tensions squarely.  And
so in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and as plainly as I can
about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront
together.

The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all
of its forms.

In Ankara, I made clear that America is not -- and never will be -- at
war with Islam.  (Applause.)  We will, however, relentlessly confront
violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security -- because
we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject:  the
killing of innocent men, women, and children.  And it is my first duty
as President to protect the American people.

The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our
need to work together.  Over seven years ago, the United States
pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with broad international support.  We
did not go by choice; we went because of necessity. I'm aware that
there's still some who would question or even justify the events of
9/11.  But let us be clear:  Al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on
that day.  The victims were innocent men, women and children from
America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody.
And yet al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed
credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill
on a massive scale.  They have affiliates in many countries and are
trying to expand their reach.  These are not opinions to be debated;
these are facts to be dealt with.

Now, make no mistake:  We do not want to keep our troops in
Afghanistan.  We see no military -- we seek no military bases there.
It is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women.  It is
costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict.  We would
gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be
confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and
now Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly
can.  But that is not yet the case.

And that's why we're partnering with a coalition of 46 countries.  And
despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken.
Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists.  They have killed
in many countries.  They have killed people of different faiths -- but
more than any other, they have killed Muslims.  Their actions are
irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of
nations, and with Islam.  The Holy Koran teaches that whoever kills an
innocent is as -- it is as if he has killed all mankind.  (Applause.)
And the Holy Koran also says whoever saves a person, it is as if he
has saved all mankind.  (Applause.)  The enduring faith of over a
billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few.
Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism -- it
is an important part of promoting peace.

Now, we also know that military power alone is not going to solve the
problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan.  That's why we plan to invest
$1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with
Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and
hundreds of millions to help those who've been displaced.  That's why
we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their
economy and deliver services that people depend on.

Let me also address the issue of Iraq.  Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a
war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and
around the world.  Although I believe that the Iraqi people are
ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also
believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use
diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems
whenever possible.  (Applause.)  Indeed, we can recall the words of
Thomas Jefferson, who said:  "I hope that our wisdom will grow with
our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it
will be."

Today, America has a dual responsibility:  to help Iraq forge a better
future -- and to leave Iraq to Iraqis.  And I have made it clear to
the Iraqi people -- (applause) -- I have made it clear to the Iraqi
people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or
resources.  Iraq's sovereignty is its own. And that's why I ordered
the removal of our combat brigades by next August.  That is why we
will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically elected government
to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all
of our troops from Iraq by 2012.  (Applause.)  We will help Iraq train
its security forces and develop its economy.  But we will support a
secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron.

And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by
extremists, we must never alter or forget our principles.  Nine-eleven
was an enormous trauma to our country.  The fear and anger that it
provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act
contrary to our traditions and our ideals.  We are taking concrete
actions to change course.  I have unequivocally prohibited the use of
torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at
Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year.  (Applause.)

So America will defend itself, respectful of the sovereignty of
nations and the rule of law.  And we will do so in partnership with
Muslim communities which are also threatened.  The sooner the
extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the
sooner we will all be safer.

The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the
situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.

America's strong bonds with Israel are well known.  This bond is
unbreakable.  It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the
recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a
tragic history that cannot be denied.

Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and
anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust.
Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of
camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by
the Third Reich.  Six million Jews were killed -- more than the entire
Jewish population of Israel today.  Denying that fact is baseless, it
is ignorant, and it is hateful.  Threatening Israel with destruction
-- or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews -- is deeply wrong, and
only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of
memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region
deserve.

On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people
-- Muslims and Christians -- have suffered in pursuit of a homeland.
For more than 60 years they've endured the pain of dislocation.  Many
wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands
for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to
lead.  They endure the daily humiliations -- large and small -- that
come with occupation.  So let there be no doubt:  The situation for
the Palestinian people is intolerable.  And America will not turn our
backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity,
opportunity, and a state of their own.  (Applause.)

For decades then, there has been a stalemate:  two peoples with
legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes
compromise elusive.  It's easy to point fingers -- for Palestinians to
point to the displacement brought about by Israel's founding, and for
Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its
history from within its borders as well as beyond.  But if we see this
conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the
truth:  The only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be
met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in
peace and security.  (Applause.)

That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's
interest, and the world's interest.  And that is why I intend to
personally pursue this outcome with all the patience and dedication
that the task requires.  (Applause.)  The obligations -- the
obligations that the parties have agreed to under the road map are
clear.  For peace to come, it is time for them -- and all of us -- to
live up to our responsibilities.

Palestinians must abandon violence.  Resistance through violence and
killing is wrong and it does not succeed.  For centuries, black people
in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation
of segregation.  But it was not violence that won full and equal
rights.  It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals
at the center of America's founding.  This same story can be told by
people from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern Europe to
Indonesia.  It's a story with a simple truth:  that violence is a dead
end.  It is a sign neither of courage nor power to shoot rockets at
sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus.  That's not how
moral authority is claimed; that's how it is surrendered.

Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build.  The
Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with
institutions that serve the needs of its people. Hamas does have
support among some Palestinians, but they also have to recognize they
have responsibilities.  To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian
aspirations, to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to
violence, recognize past agreements, recognize Israel's right to
exist.

At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's
right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's.  The United
States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli
settlements.  (Applause.)  This construction violates previous
agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace.  It is time for
these settlements to stop.  (Applause.)

And Israel must also live up to its obligation to ensure that
Palestinians can live and work and develop their society.  Just as it
devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in
Gaza does not serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing
lack of opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of
the Palestinian people must be a critical part of a road to peace, and
Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress.

And finally, the Arab states must recognize that the Arab Peace
Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their
responsibilities.  The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used
to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems.  Instead,
it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop
the institutions that will sustain their state, to recognize Israel's
legitimacy, and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the
past.

America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and we
will say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians
and Arabs.  (Applause.)  We cannot impose peace.  But privately, many
Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away.  Likewise, many
Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state.  It is time for
us to act on what everyone knows to be true.

Too many tears have been shed.  Too much blood has been shed.  All of
us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of
Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear;
when the Holy Land of the three great faiths is the place of peace
that God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting
home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the
children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of
Isra -- (applause) -- as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and
Mohammed, peace be upon them, joined in prayer.  (Applause.)

The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and
responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.

This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and
the Islamic Republic of Iran.  For many years, Iran has defined itself
in part by its opposition to my country, and there is in fact a
tumultuous history between us.  In the middle of the Cold War, the
United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically
elected Iranian government.  Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has
played a role in acts of hostage-taking and violence against U.S.
troops and civilians.  This history is well known.  Rather than remain
trapped in the past, I've made it clear to Iran's leaders and people
that my country is prepared to move forward.  The question now is not
what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build.

I recognize it will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we
will proceed with courage, rectitude, and resolve.  There will be many
issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to
move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect.
But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear
weapons, we have reached a decisive point.  This is not simply about
America's interests.  It's about preventing a nuclear arms race in the
Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely
dangerous path.

I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that
others do not.  No single nation should pick and choose which nation
holds nuclear weapons.  And that's why I strongly reaffirmed America's
commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons.
(Applause.)  And any nation -- including Iran -- should have the right
to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its
responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.  That
commitment is at the core of the treaty, and it must be kept for all
who fully abide by it. And I'm hopeful that all countries in the
region can share in this goal.

The fourth issue that I will address is democracy.  (Applause.)

I know -- I know there has been controversy about the promotion of
democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected
to the war in Iraq.  So let me be clear: No system of government can
or should be imposed by one nation by any other.

That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that
reflect the will of the people.  Each nation gives life to this
principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own
people.  America does not presume to know what is best for everyone,
just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful
election.  But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn
for certain things:  the ability to speak your mind and have a say in
how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal
administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn't
steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose.  These are
not just American ideas; they are human rights.  And that is why we
will support them everywhere.  (Applause.)

Now, there is no straight line to realize this promise.  But this much
is clear:  Governments that protect these rights are ultimately more
stable, successful and secure.  Suppressing ideas never succeeds in
making them go away.  America respects the right of all peaceful and
law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree
with them.  And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments --
provided they govern with respect for all their people.

This last point is important because there are some who advocate for
democracy only when they're out of power; once in power, they are
ruthless in suppressing the rights of others.  (Applause.)  So no
matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people
sets a single standard for all who would hold power:  You must
maintain your power through consent, not coercion; you must respect
the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance
and compromise; you must place the interests of your people and the
legitimate workings of the political process above your party.
Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.

AUDIENCE MEMBER:  Barack Obama, we love you!

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you.  (Applause.)  The fifth issue that we
must address together is religious freedom.

Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance.  We see it in the history of
Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition.  I saw it firsthand as a
child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an
overwhelmingly Muslim country.  That is the spirit we need today.
People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith
based upon the persuasion of the mind and the heart and the soul.
This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it's being
challenged in many different ways.

Among some Muslims, there's a disturbing tendency to measure one's own
faith by the rejection of somebody else's faith.  The richness of
religious diversity must be upheld -- whether it is for Maronites in
Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt.  (Applause.)  And if we are being
honest, fault lines must be closed among Muslims, as well, as the
divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence,
particularly in Iraq.

Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live
together.  We must always examine the ways in which we protect it.
For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have
made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation.
That's why I'm committed to working with American Muslims to ensure
that they can fulfill zakat.

Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding
Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit -- for
instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear.  We
can't disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of
liberalism.

In fact, faith should bring us together.  And that's why we're forging
service projects in America to bring together Christians, Muslims, and
Jews.  That's why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King
Abdullah's interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance
of Civilizations.  Around the world, we can turn dialogue into
interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action --
whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a
natural disaster.

The sixth issue -- the sixth issue that I want to address is women's
rights.  (Applause.)  I know –- I know -- and you can tell from this
audience, that there is a healthy debate about this issue.  I reject
the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her
hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is
denied an education is denied equality.  (Applause.)  And it is no
coincidence that countries where women are well educated are far more
likely to be prosperous.

Now, let me be clear:  Issues of women's equality are by no means
simply an issue for Islam.  In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh,
Indonesia, we've seen Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead.
 Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many
aspects of American life, and in countries around the world.

I am convinced that our daughters can contribute just as much to
society as our sons.  (Applause.)  Our common prosperity will be
advanced by allowing all humanity -- men and women -- to reach their
full potential.  I do not believe that women must make the same
choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who
choose to live their lives in traditional roles. But it should be
their choice.  And that is why the United States will partner with any
Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to
help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps
people live their dreams.  (Applause.)

Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.

I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory.  The
Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also
offensive sexuality and mindless violence into the home.  Trade can
bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and
change in communities.  In all nations -- including America -- this
change can bring fear.  Fear that because of modernity we lose control
over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our
identities -- those things we most cherish about our communities, our
families, our traditions, and our faith.

But I also know that human progress cannot be denied.  There need not
be contradictions between development and tradition. Countries like
Japan and South Korea grew their economies enormously while
maintaining distinct cultures.  The same is true for the astonishing
progress within Muslim-majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai.
In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the
forefront of innovation and education.


And this is important because no development strategy can be based
only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while
young people are out of work.  Many Gulf states have enjoyed great
wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on
broader development.  But all of us must recognize that education and
innovation will be the currency of the 21st century -- (applause) --
and in too many Muslim communities, there remains underinvestment in
these areas.  I'm emphasizing such investment within my own country.
And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas when it comes
to this part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement.

On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase
scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America.
(Applause.)  At the same time, we will encourage more Americans to
study in Muslim communities.  And we will match promising Muslim
students with internships in America; invest in online learning for
teachers and children around the world; and create a new online
network, so a young person in Kansas can communicate instantly with a
young person in Cairo.

On economic development, we will create a new corps of business
volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries.
And I will host a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how
we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social
entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the
world.

On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support
technological development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help
transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create more jobs.  We'll
open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and
Southeast Asia, and appoint new science envoys to collaborate on
programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs,
digitize records, clean water, grow new crops.  Today I'm announcing a
new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to
eradicate polio.  And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim
communities to promote child and maternal health.

All these things must be done in partnership.  Americans are ready to
join with citizens and governments; community organizations, religious
leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help
our people pursue a better life.

The issues that I have described will not be easy to address.  But we
have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world that we
seek -- a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and
American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and
Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear
energy is used for peaceful purposes; a world where governments serve
their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected.
Those are mutual interests.  That is the world we seek.  But we can
only achieve it together.

I know there are many -- Muslim and non-Muslim -- who question whether
we can forge this new beginning.  Some are eager to stoke the flames
of division, and to stand in the way of progress.  Some suggest that
it isn't worth the effort -- that we are fated to disagree, and
civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply skeptical that
real change can occur.  There's so much fear, so much mistrust that
has built up over the years.  But if we choose to be bound by the
past, we will never move forward.  And I want to particularly say this
to young people of every faith, in every country -- you, more than
anyone, have the ability to reimagine the world, to remake this world.

All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The
question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us
apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effort -- a sustained
effort -- to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for
our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings.

It's easier to start wars than to end them.  It's easier to blame
others than to look inward.  It's easier to see what is different
about someone than to find the things we share.  But we should choose
the right path, not just the easy path.  There's one rule that lies at
the heart of every religion -- that we do unto others as we would have
them do unto us.  (Applause.)  This truth transcends nations and
peoples -- a belief that isn't new; that isn't black or white or
brown; that isn't Christian or Muslim or Jew.  It's a belief that
pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the
hearts of billions around the world.  It's a faith in other people,
and it's what brought me here today.

We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the
courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been
written.

The Holy Koran tells us:  "O mankind!  We have created you male and a
female; and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may
know one another."

The Talmud tells us:  "The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of
promoting peace."

The Holy Bible tells us:  "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall
be called sons of God."  (Applause.)

The people of the world can live together in peace.  We know that is
God's vision.  Now that must be our work here on Earth.

Thank you.  And may God's peace be upon you.  Thank you very much.  Thank you.

http://www.whitehouse.gov/the_press_office/Remarks-by-the-President-at-Cairo-University-6-04-09/