[Reader-list] "A Hindu army officer and an Indian patriot..."

anupam chakravartty c.anupam at gmail.com
Sat Apr 24 10:42:35 IST 2010


http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Kashmir-pact-was-just-a-signature-away/articleshow/5850851.cms

Excerpts:

"He (Khurshid Mahmud Kasuri, who was Pervez Musharraf’s foreign minister
from 2002 to 2007) said the two sides had agreed to full demilitarisation of
both Jammu & Kashmir as well as Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, which Islamabad
refers to as Azad Kashmir. In addition, a package of loose autonomy that
stopped short of the ‘azadi’ and self-governance aspirations, had been
agreed on and was to be introduced on both sides of the disputed frontier.
"We agreed on a point between complete independence and autonomy," he said.




On Fri, Apr 23, 2010 at 9:40 PM, Lalit Ambardar
<lalitambardar at hotmail.com>wrote:

>
> A poorly attempted juxtaposition of random thoughts with a mischievous
> intent to justify the equally malicious title.
>
> It is no revelation that foreign jihadists are fighting along with the
> local proponents of Azadi- bara – e-Islam (freedom through Islam) in
> Kashmir.
>
> ………‘If violence has declined at present, this is not because India is
>  doing the right thing. The militants turned their attention to Kashmir
>  in 1989, when the Russians withdrew from Afghanistan. Today, the
>  militants have more urgent priorities, again in Afghanistan and the
>  Pakistan border. Because the Indian state failed to grant autonomy to
>  Kashmir,……
>  …..now the pressure has lessened on Kashmir by the removal of militants
>  to other parts of Asia……..
>
> Ayaz Amir also admitted though for different reason (to justify strong
> action by Pakistani army against the pan Islamists in Af-Pak region) in his
> article ‘A Make-or- break Moment’ Khalij Times/Oct 23, 2009-
>
> …….. The stakes being so high, there is no choice but to win, and win
> decisively. Of course it is not going to be easy. South Waziristan’s
> fighters, including the foreign elements, are amongst the most
> battle-hardened on the planet. They have been fighting for decades—in
> Afghanistan, disputed Kashmir, now FATA…..
> ……….3-5,000 Hezbollah fighters defeated the Israeli army in Lebanon in
> 2006. At the height of the Kashmir uprising (starting from 1989) there could
> not have been more than 5-10,000 guerrilla fighters in the Valley. But they
> tied down close to half a million Indian troops, the bulk of which remain in
> Kashmir……
> (full article at Click here to read the article )
>
>
> Regards all
> LA
>
> ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
>
>
> > Date: Wed, 21 Apr 2010 11:52:55 +0530
> > From: waliarifi3 at gmail.com
> > To: reader-list at sarai.net
> > Subject: [Reader-list] "A Hindu army officer and an Indian patriot..."
> >
> > http://www.newint.org/features/special/2010/04/01/kashmir-conflict/
> >
> > A soldier’s story
> >
> > In the crossfire of daily violence between militants and state forces,
> > the picturesque northern Indian state of Kashmir has known no peace
> > for decades. In this revealing first-person account, Gopal Mitra, a
> > former Indian army Major, offers hard-won insights into how the
> > violence could be ended. He spoke to Jeremy Seabrook.
> >
> > ----------------
> >
> > Major Gopal Mitra had realized that India’s militarization of Kashmir
> > was no long-term solution before he was blown up in Kupwara in 2000.
> > An informer had guided his unit to a booby-trapped militant hide-out.
> > During the ensuing gun-battle, 17 kilos of RDX explosive went up.
> > Airlifted to hospital in Srinagar, Gopal needed 150 stitches to his
> > face and body. He lost his eyes and had to undergo facial
> > reconstruction.
> >
> > In and out of hospital for two years, he had time to reflect, both on
> > his injuries and what he was doing in Kashmir. Now in his late
> > thirties, he is without rancour or bitterness. He works for an
> > international disability charity, and says the loss of his eyes has
> > been compensated by the insights gained.
> >
> > ‘As a soldier, you have to believe that terrorism is bad for your
> > country. But when you see it close up, you realize there is a reason
> > for resistance – usually a result of some earlier failing by the
> > State. When violence starts – in the North East or in Kashmir – it
> > begins as a way of redressing grievances. But over time, the just
> > objective is overtaken, and conflict soon generates its own reasons
> > for continuing. When public opinion is met by oppression, there is
> > bound to be violence. In Kashmir, when the State installs puppet
> > governments with no mandate to act on behalf of the people, how can
> > they accept it?
> >
> > ‘Kashmir is seen as a bilateral issue between India and Pakistan, a
> > cause for international concern. This doesn’t address the issue of how
> > conflict is sustained on the ground. The whole society is drawn into
> > prolonging war. The search for justice is overwhelmed by other
> > priorities, including the self-interest of those who gain some
> > advantage from it. There are four parties to the conflict – militants,
> > civil administration, army and local population. All operate and live
> > in the area. The best houses in any village, although far beyond their
> > legitimate means, are always occupied by Government officials. Social
> > structures, accountability, civil administration have all broken down.
> > Transparency International says that after Bihar, Kashmir is the most
> > corrupt state in India. It receives huge funds from central
> > government.
> >
> > ‘The whole economy is distorted because basic social norms have
> > collapsed. Most stolen cars in India are traded in Kashmir.
> >
> > ‘Many militants believe passionately in their cause and take up arms.
> > This also creates commercial pressures: arms-suppliers who have an
> > interest in continuing conflict. After the snowmelt in April-May till
> > November, militants cross the passes. They get high rates and bonuses
> > for killing members of the security forces. The security forces have
> > all the militants’ radio-intercepts: it is known they inflate the
> > numbers killed when reporting to their bosses, because this increases
> > their bonuses.
> >
> > ‘There is no adequate rehabilitation package for militants. There is
> > no thought-out strategy to absorb them back into society.
> >
> > ‘It is in the nature of prolonged armed operations to alienate people,
> > no matter how disciplined the army. You search houses, knock on doors
> > in the middle of the night; people are under siege. Some find serving
> > as informers to the army a viable way of making a living. This is how
> > the neutrality of civilians is compromised, both by the army and the
> > militants. It polarizes people. The army has an incentive to
> > perpetuate the crisis, because this vindicates its reason for
> > existence and ensures resources are allocated to the area.
> >
> > ‘I love my country, but that doesn’t mean I don’t think it can become
> > a better place’
> >
> > ‘The initial objectives take second place to conflict for its own
> > sake. The idea that an Indo-Pak solution is the only answer places it
> > in a different sphere from the violence on the ground. Simple
> > one-dimensional solutions don’t work. Societies, easy to divide, are
> > harder to re-unite. In Kashmir, if I had a grievance against you, I’d
> > have fought it out with you. But now I’ll get two militants to attack
> > you. Personal vendettas feed into the wider conflict; private
> > animosities get involved, the whole community is distorted.
> >
> > ‘When you see daily violence, you ask yourself: “Is this what we are
> > fighting for?” Before I was injured, I knew armed operations would not
> > lead to a solution. But the support system in the army is very robust.
> > It helps you not to feel troubled, to concentrate on your duty. The
> > camaraderie is strong, and the common danger a consolidating force.
> >
> > ‘North Kashmir was known as a ‘hot zone’. We were involved in search
> > and destroy missions. Militants from Pakistan were servicing bases in
> > the forest, stocks of ammunition and guns in camps hidden underground.
> > We flushed out and captured arms and personnel. I was leading my
> > company when I was injured. I remember only floating in and out of
> > consciousness. The speed of evacuation saved my life.
> >
> > ‘Initially I felt anger and uncertainty. The doctor said: “Look,
> > Gopal, I’ll have to take out your eye – if I don’t your brain may
> > become infected.” My destiny, which I thought I had taken into my
> > hands, took another turn. In hospital I met my wife. Her father had
> > also been in the army, and he, too, had been blinded. She was doing a
> > Social Work MA and it was through her I came to development work. We
> > were married in 2003.
> >
> > ‘I never hated Kashmir, and afterwards had nothing against the
> > militant who deprived me of sight. He was also doing his job. My wife
> > and I took our honeymoon in Kashmir. We went as civilians on a
> > houseboat. The people we met had no idea I was ex-army. We talked to
> > them. They all hated violence. I wanted to remember the beauty of
> > Kashmir. Personally, I do not care whether Kashmir is part of India or
> > Pakistan. The referendum on Kashmir which never took place after
> > Independence [in 1947] can only happen when people are in a position
> > to make reasoned choices. Kashmir has been so tainted that such a
> > choice is not possible. People need a period of normal life. A
> > generation of children have been traumatized; growing in the shadow of
> > violence, their childhood play is a mimicry of adult wars.
> >
> > ‘For any solution, the grievances that hardened into incentives to
> > persist in conflict need to be unravelled. After the loss of 80,000
> > lives, the Government says: “We have shed blood in Kashmir, and
> > therefore nothing can change.” I say: “I lost my blood, but I don’t
> > care that much.” Public opinion is manipulated by political parties. I
> > can speak with a certain authority, because I actually fought, unlike
> > intransigent armchair politicians. If I say India should take a less
> > hard line, this is because I have seen the damage hard lines can do.
> >
> > ‘I love my country, but that doesn’t mean I don’t think it can become
> > a better place. If they don’t do things right, thousands more will
> > die. Kashmir remains one of the most militarized places on earth. It
> > is often said that ethnicity creates violence; but I think violence
> > creates ethnicity – people who have lived in amity for centuries are
> > moved by injustice, and the divisiveness of that injustice focuses on
> > ethnicity or religion.
> >
> > ‘If violence has declined at present, this is not because India is
> > doing the right thing. The militants turned their attention to Kashmir
> > in 1989, when the Russians withdrew from Afghanistan. Today, the
> > militants have more urgent priorities, again in Afghanistan and the
> > Pakistan border. Because the Indian state failed to grant autonomy to
> > Kashmir, the social contract between people and State was breached. It
> > is easy to explain why the conflict started, but that doesn’t account
> > for the way it assumed a life of its own, and its prolongation over so
> > many years.
> >
> > ‘There is no overnight solution. But there is a window of opportunity,
> > now the pressure has lessened on Kashmir by the removal of militants
> > to other parts of Asia. There is a chance for everyday life to be
> > restored, where people will not have their door hammered in at two in
> > the morning, or stopped at four roadblocks on the way to the market.
> > Indian soldiers will not have instructions during elections to coerce
> > 70 per cent of people to vote, just to ‘prove’ they support the
> > democratic process.
> >
> > ‘It is painful to say this as a Hindu army officer and an Indian
> > patriot, but truth is truth. I see an opportunity in Kashmir right
> > now, especially since Pakistan is troubled by its own internal
> > conflict. If we don’t seize it, India will be the loser.’
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