[Reader-list] Kashmir's new Islamist movement

Sat Sep 18 18:21:56 IST 2010

Well dear Aditya
think of Mufti Mohd Syed, who organized communal riots in Anantanag in
1986, right,
but why he did it, because he wanted to stay politically alive

that is why NC leaders/ workers can do it, by showing their zeal for
popularity, to stay alive, not to feel isolated...

normally people dont want to burn the property which supports them

but still when they burn:

now read this on .

from FB
Kaesher Jokes

One day when people protested in kashmir and started to burn offices,
and in one remote village the angry mob thought to burn something,
since there was no office in the village  they set ablaze the electric
transformer, which obviously resulted into dark nights for the whole
village. Next day they collected some money to repair it also. ( the
moral ) So one should not lost wits while in rage...

 Yeli aki vizi poori kashiri maenz protest gaey ti lokov zael warya
daftar. Akis door gaamas maenz ti draayi lukh shararati saan ahtijaj
karni. Yim chi tchandan aes kya zaalou. Ati chuni kehiy ti daftar.
Akhir kaar yiman aaw ni kihi athi ti yimou neu panni gaamuk
transformer zaalith. Pati gokh paansi retas power. Yeli j...osh
wathuk. paanai sumbravikh poonsi ti shernowukh transformer. Dapaan
Joshi viz gasi hosh aasun.

On Fri, Sep 17, 2010 at 12:43 PM, Aditya Raj Kaul
<kauladityaraj at gmail.com> wrote:
> Shuddha,
>
> You aren't even ashamed to defend a killer, a monster in every sense of the
> term. Shame on your attitude.
>
> Please correct your facts. Masarat Alam doesn't lead any mob, but he is in
> hiding. He is operating from a control room with network spread all over.
> Wake up to this reality.
>
> Not just this school, but an adjacent church and a temple at Nai Basti,
> Khanabal, Anantnag were even set ablaze by Islamist mob.
>
> Refrain from forcing your half-truths on members who are now well aware of
> the intentions of these separatists who are instigating bloodshed on the
> streets of Kashmir. Even their paid agents in Delhi are exposed.
>
> Aditya Raj Kaul
>
>
>
> On Fri, Sep 17, 2010 at 11:48 AM, <shuddha at sarai.net> wrote:
>
>> Aditya,
>>
>> Your utterly shameless capacity to lie and spread misinformation truly
>> amazes me. The person who led tbe mob that torched the Tangmarg branch of
>> Tyndale Biscoe school is NOT Masarrat Alam. It is Ali Mohammed Sofi an
>> National Conference politician and stooge of the Indian occupation. The
>> Hurriyat (G), with which Alam is associated squarely condemned this horrible
>> incident of arson. I have written about all of this in my. Last poszting
>> here. Refrain from abusing the list to spread lies.
>> Sent on my BlackBerry® from Vodafone
>>
>> -----Original Message-----
>> From: Aditya Raj Kaul <kauladityaraj at gmail.com>
>> Sender: reader-list-bounces at sarai.net
>> Date: Fri, 17 Sep 2010 11:18:50
>> To: sarai list<reader-list at sarai.net>
>> Subject: Re: [Reader-list] Kashmir's new Islamist movement
>>
>> Wish you could read the name of MASARAT ALAM BHAT.
>>
>> Interestingly and quite shamelessly, Masarat got the very branch of the
>> school burned where he himself was educated. Tyndale Biscoe School,
>> Tangamarg.
>>
>> Unfortunately, educated to kill masses and take the valley hostage to
>> Islamist fundamentalism.
>>
>> They have now given a call to Tangamarg and attack all army barracks.
>>
>> Sad mindset.
>>
>> On Fri, Sep 17, 2010 at 11:13 AM, Sanjay Kak <kaksanjay at gmail.com> wrote:
>>
>> > Towards the end of his piece is Praveen Swami offering his readers a
>> > prophecy, or a threat to the protesters in Kashmir?
>> > Is a bloodbath being planned, I wonder, and are the trumpet bearers
>> > alerting us in advance?
>> > Best
>> > Sanjay
>> >
>> > On Fri, Sep 17, 2010 at 11:06 AM, Aditya Raj Kaul
>> > <kauladityaraj at gmail.com> wrote:
>> > > Kashmir's new Islamist movement*Praveen Swami, The Hindu
>> > >
>> > > Link* - http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/article672980.ece
>> > >
>> > > Leaders of the protests see street violence as a crucible in which a
>> new
>> > > generation of jihadists is being forged.
>> > >
>> > > Last week, on the Monday before Eid, Mohammad Shafi Wani opened his
>> > grocery
>> > > store in Srinagar's Karan Nagar neighbourhood. Each of his gestures
>> > —rolling
>> > > up the shutter, dusting off the shelves, opening the long-locked cash
>> > till —
>> > > was an act of defiance, perhaps even suicidal rashness.
>> > >
>> > > Kashmir's Tehreek-e-Hurriyat, the anti-India Islamist coalition
>> > spearheading
>> > > the protests that have claimed more than 80 lives in clashes with
>> police
>> > > this year, had decreed that shops would remain shut until 2:00 pm; Wani
>> > had
>> > > opened for business at mid-day. “Get lost,” a local resident recalls
>> Wani
>> > > saying to two young men who showed up to warn him, “I'm not having a
>> > bunch
>> > > of kids telling me what I can do.” The boys left — but returned with
>> > > reinforcements. Wani ended up in hospital; the police watched him being
>> > > beaten but did nothing.
>> > >
>> > > Early this week, the Tehreek decreed that day would henceforth be
>> night.
>> > It
>> > > ordered that businesses and factories work through the hours of
>> darkness
>> > to
>> > > make up for the time spent protesting. Many fear that September 21,
>> when
>> > the
>> > > Tehreek-i-Hurriyat has called on volunteers to march on military
>> > outposts,
>> > > will see horrific violence. That is precisely what the New Islamists
>> > seek:
>> > > for them, Kashmir's streets are the crucible in which a new generation
>> of
>> > > jihadists, who will wage a this-time successful war for independence,
>> are
>> > > being forged.
>> > >
>> > > Islamist patriarch Syed Ali Shah Geelani's *Rudad-i-Qafas*, or ‘Records
>> > of
>> > > Jail,' an 800-page, two-volume reflection on politics and life written
>> > while
>> > > he was incarcerated at New Delhi, Jammu and Allahabad from 1990-1992,
>> > gives
>> > > some insight into the ideological underpinning of the street rebellion.
>> > >
>> > > In a 2004 appraisal of the *Rudad-i-Qafas*, scholar Yoginder Sikand
>> > pointed
>> > > to Mr. Geelani's concerns that the independence movement in Jammu and
>> > > Kashmir had “actually gone out of the control of the political
>> leadership
>> > > and into the hands of militant youth who, though fired by a passionate
>> > sense
>> > > of zeal, have little understanding of the problem as well as the uphill
>> > task
>> > > of resolving it.” He argued that “the youth ought to have entered the
>> > > movement under the leadership of a truly Islamic and honest political
>> > > leadership.” Instead, Kashmir's young jihadists had acted “unfettered
>> by
>> > any
>> > > authority above them as if they have ‘sworn not to accept any political
>> > > leadership at all'.”
>> > >
>> > > “They have,” he concluded, “apparently miscalculated the enormity of
>> the
>> > > demands of the struggle and the strength of the power they are fighting
>> > > against, fondly imagining that their goal would be achieved in no
>> time.”
>> > >
>> > > Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence, in the years that followed the
>> > > publication of the *Rudad-i-Qafas*, threw its resources behind the
>> > > Hizb-ul-Mujahideen — led, in the main, by figures drawn from the
>> > > Jamaat-e-Islami. But as the conflict dragged, the Jamaat sensed defeat
>> —
>> > and
>> > > drew back. In 1997, the then Jamaat chief G.M. Bhat called for an end
>> to
>> > the
>> > > “gun culture.” Three years later, dissident Hizb commander Abdul Majid
>> > Dar
>> > > declared a unilateral ceasefire. Although the ceasefire fell apart, the
>> > > Jamaat itself continued to marginalise Mr. Geelani. In May 2003, Jamaat
>> > > moderates led by Bhat's successor, Syed Nasir Ahmad Kashani, retired
>> Mr.
>> > > Geelani as their political representative. In January 2004, the
>> Jamaat's
>> > > Majlis-e-Shoora, or central consultative council, went public with a
>> > > commitment to a “democratic and constitutional struggle.”
>> > >
>> > > Mr. Geelani, cast out from the mainstream of the Jamaat, set about
>> > building
>> > > a new political movement; the kind of political movement he believed
>> had
>> > led
>> > > to the failure of the jihad.
>> > >
>> > > Like others in the Jamaat-e-Islami, Mr. Geelani had long believed India
>> > > posed an existential threat to Islam in Kashmir. In the
>> *Rudad-e-Qafas*,
>> > he
>> > > castigated India for its failure to hold a plebiscite on Jammu and
>> > Kashmir's
>> > > future; its violations of the democratic process; and its use of the
>> > armed
>> > > force after 1989-1990. But he underlined the growth of Hindu
>> communalism
>> > > from the mid-1980s, seeing it as an enterprise to erase Islam. Mr.
>> > Geelani
>> > > even found evidence of this enterprise in prison: the ‘martyrdom' of
>> > Muslim
>> > > prisoners' beards at the hands of jailers and their being refused
>> > permission
>> > > to pray. “Cultural hegemony,” he concluded, “is a logical culmination
>> of
>> > > political supremacy.”
>> > >
>> > > From 2003, Mr. Geelani turned to a new group of lieutenants to fight
>> > India's
>> > > growing “political supremacy”: among them lawyer Mian Abdul Qayoom,
>> > > activists like Mehrajuddin Kalwal and Jamaat apparatchiks like Mohammad
>> > > Ashraf Sehrai. It was Massrat Alam Bhat, however, who was to become the
>> > most
>> > > important figure in the new Islamic coalition.
>> > >
>> > > Born in old-city Srinagar's Zaindar Mohalla in July 1971, Bhat studied
>> in
>> > > Srinagar's élite Cecil Earle Tyndale-Biscoe school before joining the
>> Sri
>> > > Pratap college. He was first arrested by the Border Security Force in
>> > > October 1990, on charges of serving as a lieutenant to the
>> then-prominent
>> > > jihadist Mushtaq Ahmad Bhat. He won a protracted legal battle in 1997
>> and
>> > > began working at a cloth store owned by his grandfather, graduating the
>> > next
>> > > year. From 1999, Bhat became increasingly active in the All-Parties
>> > Hurriyat
>> > > Conference. He drew much of his core cadre from one-time jihadists who
>> > had
>> > > been released — only to find they had neither prestige, power nor
>> > prospects.
>> > >
>> > > Bhat's Muslim League Jammu Kashmir's objective, its website explains,
>> > > “besides fighting Indian aggression, is to propagate Islamic teachings
>> to
>> > > fight out socialism and secularism to remove *taguti* [false leaders;
>> > > traitors] rule and to extirpate the western ideology.”
>> > >
>> > > Just two of the Muslim League's eight-point charter of objectives are,
>> as
>> > > such, concerned with the conflict in Jammu and Kashmir. It seeks the
>> > > “building up of public opinion about the issue of Jammu and Kashmir on
>> > [the]
>> > > international front,” and promises to “organise rallies and
>> congregations
>> > to
>> > > achieve the right to self-determination.”
>> > >
>> > > But the bulk of the Muslim League's objectives centres around forging a
>> > new
>> > > political culture. It promises to “inculcate [a] sense of religious
>> > duties,
>> > > character building and make the youth politically conscious;” to
>> > “safeguard
>> > > the youths against any anti-Islamic move;” “to make aware the Muslims
>> > about
>> > > the policies and plans of the aggressors and ensure that they follow
>> the
>> > > path of the Quran and the Sunnah to become one entity; to resist
>> > > “misinformation campaigns against [the] Islamic system on the part of
>> > > various imperialistic forces;” and, more generally, “to work for the
>> > welfare
>> > > of the people.”
>> > >
>> > > Now serving a life sentence for the assassination of human rights
>> > campaigner
>> > > H.N. Wanchoo, imprisoned jihadist Muhammad Qasim Faktoo was key to
>> > shaping
>> > > Bhat's ideological vision. Faktoo, who acquired a doctorate in Islamic
>> > > studies while in prison, founded his religious beliefs on the teachings
>> > of
>> > > the neo-fundamentalist Jamiat Ahl-e-Hadith — not Mr. Geelani's
>> > > Jamaat-e-Islami. Long an anti-India political activist, Faktoo was led
>> > into
>> > > the Hizb by Mohammad Abdullah Bangroo who, many years later, presided
>> > over
>> > > the assassination of the influential Srinagar cleric Mirwaiz Mohammad
>> > Farooq
>> > > — father of the current chairperson of the APHC, Mirwaiz Umar Farooq.
>> In
>> > > 1990, Faktoo and Hilal Mir, better known by the code-name
>> Nasir-ul-Islam,
>> > > broke from the Hizb to form the Jamiat-ul-Mujahideen, upset with its
>> > > linkages to the Jamaat-e-Islami.
>> > >
>> > > From jail, the Jammu and Kashmir Police allege, Faktoo mentored a new
>> > > generation of jihadists. The police say he inspires two organisations —
>> > the
>> > > al-Nasireen and the Farzandan-e-Millat — responsible for the killings
>> of
>> > > officers last August and September. The name al-Nasireen, a reference
>> to
>> > the
>> > > companions of Prophet Mohammad, is thought to draw on the *nom de
>> guerre*
>> > of
>> > > Faktoo's Jamiat-ul-Mujahideen co-founder. Farzandan-e-Millat, or sons
>> of
>> > the
>> > > nation, mirrors that of the Dukhtaran-e-Millat, daughters of the
>> nation,
>> > an
>> > > organisation run by Faktoo's wife, Asiya Andrabi.
>> > >
>> > > Ms Andrabi is the youngest child of the prominent Srinagar doctor,
>> Sayeed
>> > > Shahabuddin Andrabi. The 1962-born Ms Andrabi has an undergraduate
>> degree
>> > in
>> > > biochemistry, and hoped to study further in Dalhousie. Forbidden from
>> > > leaving home, she turned to religion. From 1982, she set up a network
>> of
>> > > religious schools and campaigned against obscenity in popular
>> television
>> > > programming.
>> > >
>> > > Both Bhat and Andrabi played a key role in organising protests against
>> > the
>> > > grant of land-use rights to the Amarnath shrine board in 2008 — a
>> > > communally-charged campaign that brought tens of thousands of people to
>> > the
>> > > streets. The networks used then were patiently built over years, in the
>> > > course of struggles against prostitution and alcohol-use; campaigns for
>> > the
>> > > enforcement of social morality targeting western cultural practices;
>> and
>> > > human rights abuses by Indian security forces.
>> > >
>> > > In 1990, the *Time Magazine* carried an evocative account of the first
>> > > uprising, the failure of which Mr. Geelani so evocatively wrote of:
>> > “‘Brave
>> > > Kashmiris,' came the summons from loudspeakers in minarets throughout
>> > > Srinagar, summer capital of the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir, ‘the
>> > time
>> > > has come to lay down your lives. Come out and face the occupation
>> forces
>> > as
>> > > true soldiers of Islam.' By the thousands, Muslim separatists answered
>> > the
>> > > call last week. Enraged by the detention of 400 locals accused of
>> > terrorism,
>> > > they surged through the narrow alleys of the decrepit city, chanting
>> > ‘Indian
>> > > dogs, go home!' and pelting the police and soldiers with stones.
>> Security
>> > > forces replied first with tear gas, then with rifle fire. By the week's
>> > end,
>> > > at least 133 people had been killed, nearly doubling, to 279, the death
>> > > count since the latest round of trouble in Kashmir began 18 months
>> ago.”
>> > >
>> > > Those words could also be a prophecy of what lies ahead.
>> > > _________________________________________
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