[Reader-list] Sainath: And the pay-to-print saga resumes

Mon Oct 10 14:12:59 IST 2011

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10, 2011
 And the pay-to-print saga resumes P. Sainath
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 [image: Former Maharashtra Chief Minister Ashok Chavan. File photo]
 PTI Former Maharashtra Chief Minister Ashok Chavan. File photo
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*The Delhi High Court's dismissal of Ashok Chavan's petition and,
separately, the Press Council being told to put up its full report on ‘paid
news' on its website by today promise many blushes for Big Media and
platinum-tier politicians.*

The Delhi High Court has handed both the political circuit and the media a
ticking parcel with its judgment in the Ashok Chavan case. It shouldn't be
long before we learn what's ticking. (What's not ticking is the media.
Subdued quiet seems the norm.) The former Maharashtra Chief Minister had
challenged the power of the Election Commission of India (ECI) to go into
the truth or falsity of his 2009 poll expenses. Those proceedings in the ECI
had gained infamy as the ‘paid news' case. A case which embarrassed major
newspapers that had run scores of hagiographic full pages of ‘ news' on Mr.
Chavan during his poll campaign. Pages without a single advertisement on
them (*The Hindu*, November 30, 2009). And without so much as a mention of
his rival in Bhokar constituency in Nanded.

Chief Justice Dipak Misra (since elevated to the Supreme Court) and Justice
Sanjiv Khanna of the Delhi High Court dismissed Chavan's petition as being
‘devoid of merit.' In doing so, they upheld the jurisdiction of the ECI to
probe the truth or falseness of poll accounts. This is crucial for the
future (and for Mr. Chavan, right away). It should really worry the wealthy
political elite who spend untold sums to win elections. No elected
legislator or MP has ever been disqualified on grounds of excess
expenditure. If such a precedent does emerge, the next elections could be
riveting for entirely novel reasons. The more so with a galvanised ECI that
won't roll over meekly in deference to power.

It's a double whammy. Not long before this judgment, the Central Information
Commission (CIC) had ordered the Press Council of India (PCI) to unwrap its
own ticking parcel. That is: the PCI's ‘paid news' report which it had
suppressed under pressure from media bosses. After the ‘paid news' scandal
surfaced, the Press Council under Justice G.N. Ray rightly set up a
subcommittee to inquire into the racket. The committee comprising Paranjoy
Guha Thakurta and Sreenivas Reddy produced an explosive 71-page report
naming names, pointing fingers. Yet, it did this within all the norms and
ethics that such an exercise demands.

The big guns of the media establishment struck back in a panic. The PCI
buckled, burying its own report. It had a larger committee draft a 12-page
version that dropped all references to the offenders. The final report
reduced the original to a single footnote. It did not even include the real
one as an annexure. Nor did it permit the authors to record a note of
dissent. And the PCI never allowed the genuine report to be placed on its
own website, though it paid lip service to the work of its authors. It
stonewalled an RTI application from journalist Manu Moudgil seeking the full
report. It was seeking legal opinion, it pleaded. Now the CIC, acting on Mr.
Moudgil's complaint, has told the Press Council to put the full report up on
its website by October 10.

Together, these two developments promise many blushes for Big Media. In the
Delhi case, of course, Mr. Chavan could appeal to the Supreme Court on the
matter. Unless that happens, the ECI can proceed with its probe and render a
verdict. Others in Mr. Chavan's boat include former Jharkhand Chief Minister
Madhu Koda. His accounts were in question, too. So we're not talking about
just anyone, but two former chief ministers who won their elections. The
platinum-tier political world has worries ahead. Money can't buy you
everything, but it has bought a few elections.

Mr. Chavan's accounts are a delight. A kind of Gandhian manual on poll
austerity. Read them and you know that Bhokar, Nanded is where you want to
settle post-retirement. Things are so cheap. Mr. Chavan wrapped up his
newspaper advertising within a frugal Rs.5,379. His entire poll campaign
cost less than Rs.7 lakh. (The limit for an assembly constituency in
Maharashtra that year was Rs.10 lakh). This included two public meetings
where he brought down Bollywood megastar Salman Khan as the main attraction,
drawing thousands of people. The first meeting cost a piffling Rs.4,440 and
the second even less, only Rs.4,300. In both cases the main cost, more than
a third of the total, was on the public address system. (But even Steve Jobs
could not have got the audio done in Rs.1,500). The *pandal *top cost just
Rs.200, hired sofas cost the same and Mr. Chavan spent no more than Rs.1,000
on setting up the stage. (See: *The Hindu*, November 10, 2010).

On December 2, 2009, Dr. Madhav Kinhalkar, Mr. Chavan's rival in the Bhokar
poll, complained to the Election Commission. That is, two days after *The
Hindu's *story on the amazing press coverage Mr. Chavan got during the
polls. (“Is the Era of Ashok a new era for ‘ news'?” November 30, 2009). Dr.
Kinhalkar's complaint focused on the latter's poll expenses and the huge
number of full pages (many in colour) eulogising Mr. Chavan in large and
powerful newspapers. Four dailies, asked by the ECI whether what had
appeared on Mr. Chavan was news or paid-for, scorned all notions of paid
news. It was all news, and balanced and fair at that, they said. The mere
suggestion of payment was insulting. Their actions flowed from lofty
journalistic values. Their letters to the ECI are clear and edifying.

Two Marathi papers pleaded proximity to the Congress. As the daily *Pudhari
*argued in a five-page letter: “….every newspaper has its inclination
towards a political party and *Pudhari *is no exception to that.” Yet, *Pudhari
*is known not only for “its frank and candid views.” It is also known for
“rising above political affiliation.” At election time, the daily stated,
newspapers cover all events and give “due publicity.” The “only difference
being the degree and extent of coverage depending on (the) Newspaper's
political inclination as explained above.” Such publication “is at the
behest of the readers on their demand to satisfy their curiosity.”

*Lokmat *candidly shared its aim in bringing out so many pages on Mr.
Chavan. This was “to acquaint the people of Maharashtra about the
achievements and developments of the Congress-led government in Maharashtra
during its tenure under the present Chief Minister.” (Who had held that post
for all of 11 months at the time). “The other factor that motivated us…is
the alignment of our group's ideology with that of the Congress Party.” Mr.
Chavan, for his part, contended that what had appeared in the press were
“mere news items and are not advertisements.” The glowing articles on him
were the outcome of the media's own assessments. He had neither control
over, nor any role in that.

The Times Group (for *Maharashtra Times*) also trashed any notion of ‘paid
news.' We are “a balanced and responsible corporate,” their letter asserted.
“The said articles are neither sponsored nor paid articles.” They were “not
published at the instance of any political party or advertising agency.” And
“no monetary consideration” was involved. It was, then, just good old news
all the way.

The shortest reply is a two-paragraph missive from the editor of *Deshonnati
*. The key line: “the said publications were neither sponsored articles nor
paid articles. It was a reflection of my individual perception.”

Their individual perceptions are at odds with the whole media scene
portrayed in the suppressed PCI report. The Election Commission's own
experience of poll coverage also seems to have been different. The
Commission saw ‘ paid news' as a real threat and ordered creation of
“district-level committees for scrutiny of paid news during election
periods” after the 2009 polls. It even set up an Expenditure Monitoring
Division within the ECI to deal with the challenge of abuse of money power
(including ‘paid news') in elections. The Commission responded to complaints
by Dr. Kinhalkar and others and wrestled with the complex issues thrown up
by the paid news syndrome.

In April this year, Mr. Chavan went to the Delhi High Court, challenging the
ECI's jurisdiction. The High Court judgment dismissing his petition has set
the poll cat amongst the political pigeons. The CIC's order puts major
sections of the media in a bind. Earlier, the ECI had to make do with the
truncated 12-page report from the Press Council on paid news. Now it is
entitled to receive the full 71-page version. And also, quite separately, to
carry on from where it was interrupted in its proceedings. How does that
phrase (perhaps wrongly attributed to the Chinese) go? “May you live in
interesting times?” We sure will, fairly soon.

-- 
Zainab Bawa
Ph.D. Student and Independent Researcher

http://writerruns.wordpress.com/
... ambling along roads and courses, not knowing whether I am running
towards a destination or whether the act of running is destination in itself