[Reader-list] SACW #1 (05 January. 02)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire -  Dispatch #1  |    5 January 2002
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

------------------------------------------
#1. The foolishness of war (Khushwant Singh)
#2. Blocking the road to peace (Beena Sarwar)
#3. Peace, progress and the private armies (Naeem Sadiq)
#4. Pakistan: Peace walk condemns violence against Wagah rally
#5. They Changed My God (Anwar Iqbal)
#6. URGENT! Help Stop Indo-Pak War: Peace Letter seeks  NGO Signatures

________________________

#1.

The Hindustan Times
Saturday, January 5, 2002
http://www.hindustantimes.com/nonfram/050102/detpla01.asp 
  	 
The foolishness of war
Khushwant Singh

There are millions of my countrymen who agree with me that we must 
never ever go to war against Pakistan again - or for that matter, 
against any nation. Sabre-rattling is not patriotism; it is a foolish 
person's show of bravado.

Persons who have not seen the havoc modern-day weaponry can cause to 
both, those on battlefields and civilians, who have not seen 
once-flourishing cities in Poland and Germany reduced to rubble and 
the ruins of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, have little idea of what war is.

I have. The vast majority of those who perished in World War II were 
not soldiers but civilians - men, women and children. I never want to 
see that happen in India, Pakistan or any other country.

Are our responses to the attack on our Parliament the best we could 
do to fight terrorism? I do not think so. Pakistan condemned it as 
soon as it occurred, as it did after the attack on the Kashmir 
assembly. Accusing President Musharraf and his government of being 
behind these attacks is unwarranted. So is recalling our high 
commissioner from Islamabad.

Al-Qaeda, Lashkar-e-Tayyeba, Jaish-e-Moha-mmed and the Taliban are 
not creations of Musharraf's regime. They were created by his 
predecessors and came to him as unwanted inheritance. They have 
strong presence in Pakistan's armed forces and have gained popularity 
among the common people of Pakistan.

Musharraf has an unenviable task of getting rid of them. He did a 
right about-turn by disowning the Taliban in Afghanistan under 
American pressure. Under the same pressure, he is doing his best to 
disown other Islamic militant organisations. It is not in our 
interests to add to his troubles but to help him in the task he has 
been compelled to undertake.

His hold on Pakistan is very tenuous. There are many in Pakistan's 
defence services who would like to see him out of power. They will be 
more extremist and anti-Indian than Musharraf. Would helping subvert 
Musharraf's regime at this juncture be in India's interest? Our 
government seems to think so. I think it is a grave error.

Stopping train and bus services to Lahore is also a retrograde step. 
The need of the hour is more people-to-people contact between Indians 
and Pakistanis, not making it almost impossible. To say that these 
buses and trains are conduits for terrorists is a canard no one 
should believe.

Agha Shahid Ali

The telephone rang late in the evening of Saturday, December 8. Few 
people ring me up at that hour. I had a premonition that it might not 
be good news. The voice at the other end betrayed no emotion. "This 
is Yaseen Malik speaking," he said.

I knew he had been in the United States for medical treatment. "Where 
from?" I asked. "America or Tihar Jail?" He was not amused. "No, I am 
speaking from Srinagar. I have some sad news to convey to you."

I interrupted him, "No doubt our telephone is being tapped." "I don't 
care," he replied. "I just wanted to tell you that Agha Shahid Ali 
died a few hours ago in New York. I believe you know his parents and 
have written about him."

I was numbed. Yes, I knew his parents and had reviewed a couple of 
his collections of poems and translations of Faiz Ahmed Faiz. I also 
knew that he had brain surgery and survived the ordeal. But dying at 
the age of 52 and taking so much of his yet-to-be exposed talent to 
the grave seemed tragically unfair. I spent much of the night 
re-reading his The Country Without a Post Office (Ravi Dayal) and his 
translations.

Death was there with Agha Shahid throughout his adolescent years. He 
brooded over it while doing his doctorate in Penn State University 
and teaching creative writing in Massachusetts. Melancholy filtered 
through his mind to his pen and whatever he wrote had the refrain: 
"When you leave home in the morning, you never know if you'll return."

It reflects the turbulent times the people of Kashmir have been 
living through for the last many years. Some lines are poignant: 
"Don't tell my father I have died," he says and I follow him through 
blood on the road and hundreds of pairs of shoes the mourners left 
behind, as they ran from the funeral, victims of the firing. From 
windows we hear grieving mothers, and snow begins to fall on us, like 
ash. Black on edges of flames, it cannot extinguish the 
neighbourhoods, the homes set ablaze by midnight soldiers.

Kashmir is burning: By that dazzling light We see men removing 
statues from temples. We beg them, "Who will protect us if you 
leave?" They don't answer, they just disappear On the road to the 
plains, clutching the gods. Two lines from the Koran in the beginning 
of his last collection of poems sums up Agha Shahid's emotions: "The 
Hour draws nigh and the moon is rent asunder."
_____

#2.


The News on Sunday
  Jan 06 2002

Blocking the road to peace

Beena Sarwar

It is unfortunate that road, rail and air links between India and Pakistan
have been suspended. The decision will most hurt ordinary people who are in
any case worst affected by tensions between our two countries, which divert
attention and resources away from the real issues of poverty, hunger and
illiteracy, and the rising tide of religious extremism that feeds on this
tension.

The suspension particularly impacts the hundreds of thousands of divided
families who were linked by the idealistically named Samjhota Express and
the Dosti Bus. The heart-wrenching scenes at the train and bus depots on
both sides recently are eloquent testimony to their pain. Now, even letters
between those who cannot afford telephone and email will not be possible
until the links are restored.

The suspension serves the purpose of no one, except war mongers and
religious zealots. The burning desire for contact between ordinary Indians
and Pakistanis is expressed in their willingness to brave the hazards of
making this contact; this was evident even during the Kargil crisis when the
air, bus and rail services between the two generally ran packed.

Besides the tensions and the risk of harassment by intelligence sleuths,
difficulties include applying for visas in Islamabad or Delhi, where the
only two consulates are located. Then there are the inconveniences of the
journey itself, harassment by border guards, customs and immigration
officials, and mandatory police reporting within twenty-four hours of
arrival and departure.

Visas are not granted for the country, but for a maximum of three cities.
Other restrictions include a prohibition on Indians and Pakistanis crossing
the border by foot (other 'foreigners' are allowed), and on visas for armed
forces personnel (serving and retired), or to those who are not visiting
relatives.

And this was when we were in a state of 'no-war' - there never has been any
genuine peace, since each side has been engaged in a covert war for years,
with varying levels of intensity.

But the 'no-war' situation was better than nothing. Restrictions were
sometimes lifted, if at times grudgingly, to facilitate people-to-people
contacts. 'Track two' diplomacy cannot replace the real thing, but both
governments allowed it, because it provided them an escape route from their
own implacable positions. The process thus fulfilled an important function.
On another level, it contributed to the public discourse, thus creating a
platform and a pressure for peace.

A significant part of such alternative meetings has been the discussion
about the rise of religious extremism on either side of the border. The
'jihadis' and the 'sangh parivar' are more similar than they'd like to
believe, and the people have more to gain from eliminating this mindset than
suits either government.

Closing borders only strengthens extremist views. And it serves no purpose
in terms of 'countering terrorism'. After all, 'terrorists' don't cross over
with valid visas. The present crackdown on their activities in Pakistan is
only pushing them underground - and according to the Jaish's own statement,
across the line of divide, into the Indian side of Kashmir.

Another important issue discussed in Track Two meetings has been Kashmir,
and the need to acknowledge it not just as a territorial dispute but as a
matter of the aspirations of the Kashmiri people. Indians had begun to
realise that they cannot hold on to Kashmir by force, and Pakistanis had
begun to realise that they cannot take Kashmir by force. Significantly,
those involved in such dialogues include senior armed forces personnel -
retired, of course, since during active service army discipline forbids such
dissent.

This process was underway right up until airspace was banned for Indian and
Pakistani aircraft. A two day workshop on conflict resolution (Dec 22-23)
organised by the Program on Peace Studies and Conflict Resolution
(Department of International Relations, Karachi University) was conducted in
collaboration with Brig. (rtd) A.R. Siddiqui's Regional Institute of Peace
and Security Studies, Karachi. The Program itself is funded by the
Colombo-based Regional Centre for Stragic Studies -- headed by a retired
Indian general, Dipankar Banerjee. Participants came away inspired and
hopeful of the chances for peace, even though the tension was building up.

But just a few days later, the situation prevented a high level three-member
delegation of another people's initiative, the India Pakistan Soldiers
Initiative for Peace, from keeping their appointment with Gen. Musharraf.
They had visas, but the Indian authorities refused to allow them to cross
the Atari-Wagah border on foot as they had planned, for safety reasons.

"By the time we changed our plans to fly, the only flight we could have
taken to make our appointment with the President of Pakistan on time was
leaving Delhi within the next three hours," writes Admiral (rtd) Ramu
Ramdas. Unable to get seats, despite the personal efforts of Pakistan's
Deputy High Commissioner, the delegation had to postpone their visit. "You
can imagine how disappointed and helpless we felt. Both Lt. Gen. Dar and I
had flown to Delhi from Mumbai and Pune respectively to keep this date but
alas, the 'Ooper Walah' willed otherwise!"

Besides the personal disappointments caused by this meeting, it could have
played an important role in conveying the views of India's peace activists
to the President of Pakistan, who possibly does not fully appreciate what
this movement is up against. If we in Pakistan are up against the 'jihadis',
our friends across the border face the hawks of the Sangh Parivar - each
feeds on and reflects the other.

Meanwhile, the suspension of links between the two countries has interrupted
an exciting development -- cross-border visits by school and college
students, privately initiated, with no official or NGO involvement or
sanction. Students who made such visits, despite warnings from friends and
relatives, returned to their respective countries amazed at the warmth and
hospitality they received across the border - stereotypes shattered. "They
are people just like us," is a common response.

"We didn't find the Pakistan we were looking for," wrote a Ramjas College
history student after visiting Pakistan. The Habib Public School students
from Karachi who visited 15 educational institutes in India this past summer
had similar experiences. A peace camp was planned for young Indians and
Pakistanis in South India this coming summer. Whether this will be able take
place is now doubtful.

Peace activists in India have been vocal against the prevailing war
hysteria, as have those here in Pakistan. But these voices are barely
reflected in the mainstream media. In any case, they alone cannot pull the
two countries back from the brink. The governments have to be involved and
willing.

New Delhi's knee-jerk response to the attack on its parliament, its
plagiarism of Washington's rhetoric and attempts to take full political
advantage of the prevailing climate against 'terrorism', should not stop
Islamabad from taking the steps it urgently needs to take for Pakistan's own
survival. In this, it will be supported by the majority of the people, who
are increasingly aware of the cost to the country's own social fabric, of
allowing militant religious groups to flourish and develop.

Islamabad's 'Afghan policy' lies ripped apart; that relating to Kashmir
needs to be urgently reviewed. Steps in the right direction are being
taken - and so they should. We have paid a heavy price for our support,
covert and overt, to religiously motivated ideologues, in the form of
sectarian violence and killings in our own country. We need to curtail the
'jehadi' groups not under Indian or even US pressure, but for our own sakes.

And our friends in India need to realise that for Pakistan to achieve this,
we need support rather to be dragged into a confrontation that will only
strengthen the extremists on both sides. Only if we can live in peace can
the people of this region emerge from the problems that plague us, and play
a positive role in an increasingly interconnected world.

(ends)

_____


#3.

Date: Fri, 4 Jan 2002 17:17:24 +0500

Peace, progress and the private armies

In October 2001, Sufi Mohammad after taking over parts of Swat, Dir 
and Korakoram Highway, led his 5000 strong army of Tehrik Nifaz 
Shariat-I-Mohammadi to attack the US forces operating in Afghanistan, 
with weapons ranging from world war 1 antiques to mortars used by 
modern day armies. The fact that most of these illiterate and 
misguided soldiers lost their lives to unfriendly daisy cutters, and 
Sufi, who had himself never seen either an American or an aeroplane, 
deserted the battle field, ran for his life, and ended up in a 
Pakistani jail, with a cosmetic three year sentence, perhaps for not 
possessing valid travel documents.

In December 2000, Maulana Akram Awan marching with his private army 
of ten thousand misguided zealots, camped at Chakwal, and threatened 
to capture Islamabad, the capital of Islamic Republic of Pakistan, if 
the laws considered Islamic in the medieval mind of Maulana were not 
promulgated throughout the country. The government was so unnerved 
that it sent a delegation consisting of the Home Secretary, Inspector 
General Police and the minister for religious affairs to please, 
pamper and compensate the Maulana and convince him to return with his 
army to where ever he came from. Having never met an official beyond 
the rank of SHO, the Moulana was so moved at the top officials of the 
nuclear state obsequiously falling to his feet, that he withdrew 
without a battle, and declared to come back next year to implement 
his promised mission.

For ten long years the JUI Madrassahs of Balochistan retained the 
dubious distinction of operating as the world's largest nursery for 
producing teenage soldiers who had only two missions in life. To 
secure an entry into paradise by their rhythmic pendulum like 
reproduction of memorised portions from the Holy Book, and to 
participate in a global jihad with ignorance and Klashnikovs as their 
only two assets. In the last ten years any thing between 10 to 20 
thousand of these innocent children were killed as fodder in the 
proxy war that ultimately reduced Afghanistan to rubble, and Pakistan 
to an embarrassing but much needed voltafaccia. Those responsible for 
this mass genocide however still wear royal robes and go around 
freely to restart if possible, from where they last left.

Till a few days back travelling between Lahore and Peshawar by road, 
one could see dozens of sign boards offering short cuts to paradise 
to those who sought recruitment in one of the many private armies 
operating under names such as Jaish-e- Mohammad, Lashkar-e- Tayuba or 
Harkat ul Majahideen. The proliferating religious fervour of these 
private armies has resulted in creation of downstream sectarian 
militant organisations whose strong sense of loyalty to their own 
brand of ideology requires killing of every one else who does not 
subscribe to their point of view. The ignorant Mullah has often 
joined this chorus of madness by condoning this barbarism from his 
unchallenged pulpit, and even suggesting that such acts could in fact 
guarantee the reservation of suitable seats in paradise. Karachi 
alone bore the sorrow and pain of hundreds of its outstanding 
citizens mercilessly killed by these sectarian fanatics. The brother 
of the interior minister is shot to death two days after the minister 
articulates his much belated intention of curbing the religious 
extremists. The private armies thus freely rule and till recently 
even collected "bhatta" (compulsory donations) in the land of the 
pure, making a mockery of the writ of the state. This phenomenon 
often generically referred to as "Talibanisation" of society remained 
unchecked till recently when its excessive export drew an angry 
response from the world at large as well as the already fed up 
neighbours.

Pakistan's primary think tanks remain pathologically addicted to a 
frozen world view based on a dogmatic and bigoted understanding of 
religion, emphasis on rituals instead of spirit, hatred instead of 
tolerance, ideological slogans instead of service to people, state 
agencies instead of participative institutions, abhorrence to science 
and technology, deep disinclination to reason and rationality, 
obsession with female behaviour and dress, and the megalomaniac self 
image as the flag bearer and champion of the cause of Ummah, (not one 
of the Ummah countries offered even lip service of support at the 
time of India Pakistan stand off.) It is around this irrelevancy that 
the state has coined its signature for the past fifty years. While 
the large majority of Pakistanis are as moderate, tenacious, vibrant 
and enterprising as people of any other country, their rightful place 
amongst the developed and civilised nations of the world has been a 
hostage to the tribal traditions, private armies and religious 
fanatics who forcibly dictate the social order of the country. Only a 
week back the Orakzai tribes got together to declare photography as 
an offence punishable by demolition of the offenders' house and a 
fine of one million rupees.

The events of nine-eleven in many ways provide a miraculous 
opportunity and impetus for Pakistan to re-evaluate its direction and 
make a conscious decision to make a departure from the past. It can 
choose to follow the path that has enabled other nations to pursue 
progress, prosperity and enlightenment. Alternately it can remain 
glued to its ancient and obsolete mindset, and gradually acquire the 
status of an irrelevant and failed state. Many would argue that it 
has already reached that point. A more factual assessment would be 
that while Pakistan does have the necessary capacity and desire to 
enter the 21st century, it is restrained by its own medieval mindset 
that is frozen in an imaginary past and not open to the reality and 
ideas of the modern times.

Any nation must first address issues that are vital to itself and its 
own citizens. For Pakistan these are issues of creating a just and 
civil governance mechanism, education, industry, addressing poverty, 
and providing host of basic amenities and services to its burgeoning 
population. For too long the voluntarily adopted culture of 
obscurantism has come in direct conflict with the scientific and 
rational methods that could be applied towards solving these issues. 
The bigoted clergy, the Lashkars, the Sipahs , the Jaishes the 
agencies and the increasingly bureaucratic and incompetent state 
machinery are either completely reluctant to change for better or 
desire a change in the reverse direction only.

The first step is to realise that there can possibly be no sanity, 
peace or progress in Pakistan, as long as it retains a multitude of 
fully loaded private armies, each in pursuit of its own brand of 
intolerance and bigotry. It is time for Pakistan to realise that the 
private armies representing the feudal and tribal thinking of the 
medieval times are simply not compatible with how the progressive 
modern nations pursue their interests and conduct their business in 
the 21st century. There can be no serious investment or development 
interest by any outsider (for that matter even insiders) in a 
writ-less state ruled by private armies eternally at war within and 
without. The first step towards peace and progress must therefore 
begin by firmly disbanding and disarming all militant religious, 
political and tribal organisations in Pakistan. This needs to be done 
as a national challenge and not like the lame, half hearted, 
incompetently managed and half way aborted earlier de-weaponisation 
campaign. It is also time to extend the rule law to areas and tribes 
that hitherto made their own laws. The days of private armies and the 
wild west must come to an end if a new beginning is to be 
contemplated. While this may also be a high profile international 
demand, it is essentially for its own good that Pakistan needs to 
clean up its militant backyard. It is only through creating a law 
abiding, pluralistic and tolerant society that Pakistan can hope for 
peace, progress and dignity in the years to come.

Naeem Sadiq

_____

#4.


DAWN
04 January 2002

Peace walk condemns violence against Wagah rally
Bureau Report

HYDERABAD, Jan 3: A large number of human rights and political 
activists and representatives of NGOs staged a peace walk under the 
banner of Joint Peace Action Forum Sindh against the war hysteria in 
India and Pakistan and violence by law enforcement agencies against 
the participants of the peace walk at Wagah border, Lahore.
The walk started from local press club and after marching on main 
city roads it culminated at the club.
The participants released pigeons as symbol of peace and carried 
white flags inscribed with slogans of "we want peace not war" and 
"dialogue not tension".
They raised slogans against Maj Faisal Ghori of rangers who had 
subjected Asma Jehangir to violence.
Speaking to the participants of the peace walk, the coordinator, HRCP 
Sindh core groups, Akhtar Baloch, said that the participation of such 
a large number of people belonging to different schools of thought in 
the peace march had proved that the people of the country wanted 
peace not war.
He said that history was witness to the fact that the wars had 
created disasters and given only corpses. He said that the violence 
committed on the participants of the peace walk at Wagah border was 
aimed at sabotaging attempt for peace. He demanded a judicial inquiry 
by a High Court judge into the incident.
Prominent among those who attended the peace march were HRCP 
coordinators, Nasreen Shakeel Pathan and Aftab Ahmed, PPP leaders, 
Comrade Jam Saqi and Nuzhat Pathan, president Sindh Hari Committee, 
Azhar Jatoi, Prof Khalid Wahab, Prof Eijaz Qureshi, Parveen Magsi, M. 
Parkash advocate, Akbar Clinton and others.
OCCUPATION: The residents of Goth Yar Mohammad Nandwani near Kapri 
Mori, taluka Matli, district Badin, have accused the an influential 
person of illegally occupying the village land with the connivance of 
police and harassing the villagers.
Speaking at a news conference at the Hyderabad press club here on 
Thursday, they said that one Jameel and his accomplices had occupied 
a portion of the vacant land in the village on the pretext that they 
had taken the land on lease. They added that when the villagers asked 
Jameel to show the relevant papers, they were threatened with dire 
consequences.
They said that they made inquires from the Mukhtiarkar (estate) 
Hyderabad who informed them that the village land had never been 
allotted to any body. They said that on Dec 3 last year, they 
approached the EDO (revenue) Badin and requested him to get the 
occupied village land vacated.
They said that the EDO issued necessary instructions to the 
Mukhtiarkar Matli who held inquiries on Dec 22 which rejected Jamil's 
claim and fixed the next date of hearing for Jan 5 2002.
They said they again approached the Mukhtiarkar (estate) Hyderabad 
and obtained the relevant form which disclosed that the opponent 
party had been allotted some other land and they had nothing to do 
with Nandwani Goth.
They, however, said that the Mukhtiarkar declined to give anything in 
writing as he was under tremendous pressure.
They alleged that on last Thursday night, police in half a dozen 
mobiles raided the village, harassed the residents including women 
and children and arrested an elder of the village, Mohammad Saleh 
Nandwani, Habibullah and Maqbool. They added that later the police 
chaargesheeted five villagers who were released on bail.
They said that the police had established a check post at the village 
and no one was allowed to enter it. They appealed the authorities and 
human rights organizations to take notice of the plight of the 
villagers and restore justice.
Those who spoke at the news conference included Yar Mohammad 
Nandwani, Shahid Khaskheli, Hashim Nandwani, Mohammad Hussain 
Nandwani, Mohammad Yaqoob Khaskheli and others.
Earlier, about 40 villagers staged a protest demonstration outside 
the Hyderabad press club and SSP office against the alleged high 
handedness of police.


_____

#5.
	[Recieved from Zaheer Kidwai, Karachi]

They Changed My God
by Anwar Iqbal

I do not know how God is related to me
Is it love and respect that links me to Him?
Or fear that forces me to seek his refuge?
Is He a loving friend or a cruel ruler?
Is He like a cloud that protects us from the scorching sun?
Or is he the fire that burns us?

I still love Him, even after so many years
I cannot forget the time I spent with Him
That's when we were friends - me and my God
We roamed around together, holding hands
Collecting feathers of colorful birds
Exotic flowers, ran after butterflies
And spent hours in friendly chats

But they came and took my God away from me
And changed him

When they came, me and my God were
Having an important talk in a garden near our house
He was explaining to me why
Butterflies stain our hands
And fireflies do not burn them
They were all big men,
Some bearded, some not
Some had guns, some did not
Some were armed with swords and spears
And others had big sticks

They came and shouted:
We cannot let God waste his time
We are here to save him from kids and butterflies
He has more important things to do
Give him to us

They lifted God on their shoulders and
Walked out of my garden, chanting slogans

And they took him away
>From me and my house
>From my village and my city

Since then nobody has seen my God
Nobody knows where they have kept Him
He does not communicate with children anymore
He does not communicate at all

They bring all his orders to us and say
This is what God says. Do it
Those who do not
Are kicked, beaten up, flogged and even killed
All in the name of my God

He has changed so much since they took him away
That I do not recognize Him anymore
He is not the God I loved
He is their God

He does not speak the language of
Butterflies and fireflies anymore
His orders are not that of a loving friend
He talks like the worldly rulers

I still miss Him a lot
I want the God of butterflies and flowers back

I want to say to Him
O God how much I want you to come down
>From your heavenly abode and play with me
I want to be a little child again
I want to hold your hand and run with you
Deep into the jungle

And when the jungle scares me
I want to hide in your arms
I want you to stay there, wait for me
Don't go away like others
You are more kind than a mother
And more caring than a father

I want you to leave all your work aside
For one day, just one day
Yes, I know it is important
I know it is You who bring
Clouds from the sea
And makes them rain on the thirsty earth
So that we could smell the fragrance and
The raindrops stir in the dry soil

It is You who bring the monsoon
Holding the reins of the sun, the moon, the stars
And the planets in your hands
And thus cause the seasons to change

It is you who prevent people
>From killing each other in madness

You enable us to live under the loving care of our friends
It is you who feed insects hiding under the stone
And give warmth to the poor sitting around the fire
You also fetch a glass of water
For the beggar woman

You fill our dreams with color and light
And bring sleep to our burning eyes

You protect the travelers
And save us from our own madness

Yes You have so many important things to do
But you have always been doing this and more
Only You know how old this universe is
And how unending your daily chores

But you also know that my stay here is short
My age is not numbered in solar years

Then do this for me, O God
Give a day, just one day
>From your busy schedule
To me
I want to hold your hand and walk
In the cruel crowd
Holding my head high
So that everybody could see
You have dodged your bearded guards
And returned to children and butterflies
You once again love the flowers
And their fragrance

We will walk together for miles
And when we are both tired
(Don't you ever get tired?)
We will sit somewhere along the beach
And watch the people walking past us
Dismissing the child and his God
In their ignorance
I want to watch them and smile at them

And you, my Provider
I don't want much from you
Just buy me a plate of chic peas
Some oranges and some mangoes
(They do not grow in the same season but You get them both for me!)
I also want you to fetch a glass of cold sherbet
With crushed ice

And then I want to put my head on your shoulders
(Don't be upset with me, this is how children behave)
And sleep, a long, long sleep

And when I do, you quietly close my eyes
And take me to the journey that awaits us all
If you are with me, why should I be afraid of
Any journey?

Note: Anwar Iqbal was threatened with death by an unidentified group 
after reciting the Urdu original of this poem in Islamabad in late 
July 2000.

_____

#6.

Date: Fri, 4 Jan 2002 17:53:41 +1000
From: FoE Sydney - Nuclear Campaign <nonukes at foesyd.org.au>
Subject: URGENT! Help Stop Indo-Pak War: Peace Letter seeks  NGO Signatures

Dear NGO,

Do you think that  your organisation could endorse this?

It is to be sent urgently to the governments of India and Pakistan.

This letter to the governments of India and Pakistan is now soliciting
signatures from organisations, parliamentarians, and prominent persons most
urgently, and in view of the situation,  needs to be sent as soon as
possible.

Do you think you might be able to sign it and/or pass it on to others who
would endorse it?

(To sign/endorse just email me back with details of your name, name of
organisation, position, and location including country)

John Hallam



PRIME MINISTER OF INDIA A.B. VAJPAYEE,
SOUTH BLOCK,  NEW DELHI, 110-004
+91-11-301-6857  +91-11-301-9545, 91-11-972-2-664-838

MINISTER OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS INDIA
+91-11-301-0700   UN MISSION Fax. + 1 212 490 9656
Aust. High Commission - 6273-1308, 6273-3328

PRESIDENT MUSHARRAF OF PAKISTAN,
0011-92-51-920-3938, 0011-92-51-920-1968 0011-92-51-811390

FOREIGN MINISTER OF PAKISTAN
+92-51-920-7217  +92-51-920 0420 or 820-420
UN Mission Fax. + 1 212 744 7348 Aust. High Commission - 6290-1073

UNITED NATIONS SECRETARY - GENERAL KOFI ANNAN

Dear Presidents, Prime Ministers, Secretary-General, and Foreign Ministers
of India and Pakistan,

The undersigned groups and parliamentarians, representing people and
organizations worldwide write to you to express our extreme concern  over
the possibility of conflict between your two countries.

A military conflict  could all too easily become a devastating nuclear
exchange, which  could destroy both countries as functioning entities, with
casulties in the millions.  Some projections suggest that up to 150 million
people might die, depending on the exact scenario.

Military action, or a threat of military action,  could all too easily lead
to an outcome that is not in anyone's interest.

Military solutions to the Kashmir problem should therefore be ruled out.
It is therefore urgent to initiate a dialogue on Kashmir in whatever is the
most effective manner,  leading to a real solution to the Kashmir problem.

We do not seek to prescribe in detail any particular solution to the
Kashmir issue. Rather  we point out that the losses that would be incurred
equally by both nations in a nuclear exchange are so vast, and so
incomprehensible, that no political, security, or other goal whatsoever
could possibly justify taking the risk of those losses.

Eliminating the risk of a nuclear exchange between India and Pakistan is a
goal which must take precedence over all other possible political and
security goals as it concerns the continued physical survival of both
nations.

The religious traditions of both Islam and Hinduism place a high value on
peace. Whoever provides a peaceful and just way out of this crisis will
have the gratititude of both Indians, Pakistanis, and the world as a whole.


We therefore urge India and Pakistan:
--To move their troops, especially 'strategic units', but also all military
formations, back from the border.
--To instruct their troops not to return fire if fired upon
--To immediately enter discussions both at SAARC and elsewhere which will
stabilize the situation.
--To immediately restore road and rail links
--To enter discussions as to the most appropriate way in which to pursue
terrorist  organisations.

and in the longer term:
--To enter a dialogue aimed at providing a mutually acceptable solution to
the Kashmiri problem.
--To enter discussions aimed at eliminating the risk of a nuclear exchange
between the two countries,  under any cicumstances.
--To work towards lasting solutions toward peace and stability in the region.

Finally, we urge that both nations take seriously the goal of eliminating
nuclear weapons to which other nations have agreed, and eliminate the risk
of the annihilation of both parties by dismantling their nuclear arsenals.

We trust that through these and other representations, a peaceful solution
to the current crisis will be found.

Signed
[Organizations and Parliamentarians Signatures]

John Loretz, International Physicians for the prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW)

John Hallam, Friends of the Earth Australia,
Irene Gale AM, Australian Peace Committee,
Jo Vallentine, People for Nuclear Disarmament W.A.,


Martin Butcher, Physicians for Social Responsibility (PSR) Washington, USA,
Marylia Kelly, Tri-Valley CARES, Livermore, US,
Carol Wolman, Nuclear Peace Action Group of Mendocino, CA.
Alice Slater, Global Resource and Action Centre for the Environment,
(GRACE) NY, USA,

Jenny Maxwell, West Midlands CND, UK,

Harsh Kapoor, South Asians Against Nukes,
Sukla Sen EKTA (Committee for Communal Amity) Mumbai (Bombay)

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