[Reader-list] P. SAINATH on War, media, propaganda and language
Harsh Kapoor
aiindex at mnet.fr
Sun Apr 13 09:24:46 IST 2003
The Hindu / Magazine | Sunday, Apr 13, 2003
http://www.thehindu.com/thehindu/mag/mag/2003/04/13/stories/2003041300100100.htm
War, media, propaganda and language: Coalition of the Killing
`Coalition of the willing', `precision bombing', `surgical strikes',
`decapitating the regime', `friendly fire' ... the list of terms
could go on. In an analysis of the propaganda war in Iraq, and
placing it in a historical context, award-winning journalist P.
SAINATH looks at how the language in war journalism has become
debased.
"IT looks like it's a bombing of a city, but it isn't," Donald
Rumsfeld told admiring media hacks. The bombardment was truly
precise, he said. The altitude and angles were calculated to minimise
harm to civilians. This, as 2,000 and 5,000-pound bombs and hundreds
of missiles pulverised Baghdad and other Iraqi cities. Those were the
early days of the war.
There was nothing new in that sort of humbug, though. It happened
with Hiroshima, too. Brigadier General Thomas Farrell - a scientist -
sold the media similar moonshine about Little Boy and Fat Man. The
atomic bombs, he told his captive hacks in Tokyo in 1945, were
exploded at a "specifically calculated altitude" to "exclude any
possibility of residual radiation." You couldn't get more humane than
that.
A team of American reporters visited Hiroshima nearly a month after
the atomic blasts. On winding up their military-guided tour, these
investigative journalists did more than just sell Farrell's line.
They "expressed satisfaction with the complete destruction of the
city," as the committee compiling materials on the A-blasts would
later record.
A few days after the touring hacks had done their bit in 1945, The
New York Times chipped in with its own. It carried a story asserting:
"No radioactivity in the ruins of Hiroshima." And just days later,
the U.S. government, cheered by such embedded loyalty, went further.
It denied officially that radiation was harmful.
Little that's new happens in war propaganda. It just happens in
different places. The media, though, do invent new ways of using
language. Or, to borrow a phrase currently hip in Pentagonese, new
ways of "degrading" the language.
In 1965, when the Americans used deadly gas against the Vietnamese -
civilian and military - Time magazine praised this as "non-lethal gas
warfare". So did much of the other corporate media crowd. That
warfare is by definition lethal didn't matter. The magazine lashed
out at those making the "noisiest and hysterical protests." Time
concluded that compared to weapons like napalm, "these temporarily
disabling gases seem more humane than horrible". Napalm, by the way,
was also used by the Americans against Vietnamese civilians. But Time
did not dwell on that in its report.
In the early part of the 20th Century, when classic colonialism held
sway and barbarians knew their place, the British were more honest
about these things. "I do not understand this squeamishness about the
use of gas. I am strongly in favour of using poison gas against
uncivilized tribes," Winston Churchill said. "The moral effect should
be good ... and it would spread a lively terror ...." He was
commenting on the British use of poison gas against the Iraqis after
World War I.
Today the BBC paints British soldiers around Basra as so many Marine
Mother Teresas. In a world of more democratic pressures, it's hard
for Blair to be truly Churchillian. Lying comes easier to him. In our
time, propaganda has to show that poison gas, far from creating a
lively terror, is good for the Iraqis. In due course, they will thank
us for it. The media are the means by which that line has to be sold.
In the United States, when the corporate-owned media sense profits,
they strain at the leash to sell the line better.
General Electric, one of the planet's largest military contractors,
owns the NBC television network. Other armament companies own, or are
closely linked to a slew of other media outlets. The
military-industrial complex Eisenhower warned of is now a
military-media-industrial complex. That such media will serve their
bosses as best as they can should not surprise us. In Bush's
Coalition, they are the Most Willing.
The emphasis now is on suggesting that "Coalition" control of
Baghdad, and "regime change" when that happens, ends the conflict.
Really? A glance at Afghanistan, where Kabul "fell" a long time ago,
argues otherwise. And the media now covering Iraq know it.
"President" Hamid Karzai has to be guarded by Americans. No Afghan
can be trusted not to gun him down. The bloody deaths of civilians
goes on and on.
There too, "precision" was, and is, on vivid display. By generating
wrong GPS coordinates, the Americans nearly blew away Karzai, their
own man, during the war. U.S. missiles hit villages in Pakistan. And
wedding parties have been blown to bits by U.S. aircraft.
"Coalition," by the way is another term "degraded" in the present
war. This coalition includes the likes of Afghanistan, Ethiopia,
Eritrea and Estonia among others.
The "weapons of mass destruction" that British troops in Iraq fear
the most are those in the hands of Blair's U.S. buddies. The BBC did
a moving, solemn production number on the return home of the first
nine British war dead. They did not emphasise, though, that most of
these unfortunate men had been slaughtered by Americans. "Friendly
fire" is now too sickening a term to even make fun of, anymore.
Indeed, in Pappy Bush's Gulf War of 1991, the Americans killed more
British troops than the Iraqis did. But their "surgical strikes",
didn't spare their own, either. As journalist Michael Moran points
out: "Friendly fire by American forces killed one quarter of all the
U.S. troops who died in that war." Thirty-five of the 146 Americans
killed in the (1991) Gulf War were slain by their own side.
The latest burst of friendly fire in this war has killed 18 Kurdish
soldiers - U.S. allies - and some U.S. Special Forces men with them.
If that's what the precise surgical strikes did to their own side,
it's frightening to imagine what is happening now to Iraqi civilians.
In the first two weeks of this war, those incredibly precise missiles
landed in Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Iran and killed Syrians on that
country's border with Iraq. A convoy evacuating the Russian
Ambassador and other diplomats from Baghdad (who had sought and been
guaranteed protection) was bombed by the Americans. In Iraq, they had
killed hundreds of civilians in just the first two weeks. Maybe far,
far more. The Iraqis too, had an interest in lying about the actual
scale of death for fear of public demoralisation. Yet, even when many
civilian deaths are confirmed, the lies continue: The Iraqis did it
themselves. So what if the bomb that hit the market left behind an
identifiable serial number? The Iraqis must have planted that piece
of metal.
It's engaging how the myths of "precision bombing" and "surgical
strikes" linger despite having been discredited many times in the
past. The idea, of course, is that technology in the hands of caring
American and British soldiers, helps avoid civilian casualties. For
audiences fed on western journalism's instant history of the last
week, it might seem novel. Not so. In 1986, a U.S. "surgical strike"
on Libya reduced the French Embassy in Tripoli to rubble. The
Americans also succeeded in killing Gaddafi's three-year-old daughter
- apparently a dangerous terrorist. Then as now, the U.S. struck to
"decapitate the regime".
In this war, an astonishing amount of firepower has been directed at
everything Iraqi. But most civilians killed become "paramilitary" or
soldiers "disguised as civilians". Any residential area flattened was
really harbouring the Iraqi military. No one can count the number of
"command and control" structures the Coalition of the Killing have
taken out. It's as if every Iraqi phone booth destroyed becomes,
posthumously, a "command and control structure".
Yet, even after the first two weeks of this war, we saw the embedded
press corps mostly parroting on. They still spoke of the "incredibly
precise" nature of the bombing though, of course, a "few mistakes
will be made".
The repeated whines of some BBC reporters that the British were
trying to send in "humanitarian aid" into Basra even while declaring
it a "legitimate military target/objective" were nauseating. A people
have to be bombed and butchered into accepting humanitarian aid.
Their water and food supply has to be destroyed so they might be
helped. Many - not embedded with the military - have pointed out that
this aid could be delivered by air-dropping food and water instead of
bombs. But the embedded ones did not - or were not allowed to - raise
this question.
Three weeks into the invasion, we still do not have a picture of the
actual numbers of civilians who have died. But we do know that many
more will die long after the bombing stops. Their resources
destroyed, their water supply devastated, their hospitals bombed,
overstrained and collapsing. The International Committee of the Red
Cross puts it simply: Casualties in Baghdad are now so high that
hospitals have stopped counting the number of people treated. No one
has the time to keep statistics.
Already the Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations
has warned that Iraq's winter grain harvest - and the spring planting
- could be devastated. That it faces a huge food crisis. (One that
will doubtless be met by dumping on a defenceless population GM foods
in the name of "food aid").
But for the embedded ones, these are not the issues. Saddam was dead.
His televised appearances had been recorded much earlier. (The
debates were not about what he said, but whether it was indeed him.)
The man on TV was really an actor resembling the Iraqi dictator. (The
tabloids dug out a woman in Greece claiming to be an ex-mistress of
Saddam to back this charge.) There were no U.S. prisoners in Iraqi
hands. Several reporters "discovered" chemical "facilities" at Najaf.
All these stories swiftly collapsed. (Though, of course, a smoking
gun will soon be "found".) But the propaganda offensive kept on.
A captured Iraqi "general" turned out, BBC admitted, to be "an
officer of much lower rank" (maybe a sergeant?). "Scuds" that landed
in Kuwait were all the rage in the first week. But the story was
quietly denied by the Pentagon itself a little later.
Umm Qasr, as veteran journalist Robert Fisk points out, had "fallen",
was "captured", then "secured", and "finally under control". All in
some 48 hours. But the embedded ones were undaunted. Their job was to
wage the psychological war.
Even by the sleazy standards of war journalism, they've plumbed new
depths. Yet, the structures and principles of such deceit are quite
old. The occasional embarrassment is inevitable. But the mainstream
corporate media are far from being a hindrance to Bush's war effort.
They are vital to its success.
However unique some of the features of the war in Iraq might be, it
is not "totally unprecedented". At least, not in propaganda terms.
Many of the techniques used to "report" the war have a long and
disgraceful history. As always, there are a few, valiant individual
journalists doing their best. Those rare Robert Fisks of the world
today. The Wilfred Burchetts of the Hiroshima era. The global
corporate media conglomerates that have a vested interest - often a
direct financial one - in this war are, however, the main "psy-ops"
troops. Media weapons of mass destruction.
Do fake stories coming unstuck mean the eternally embedded media
haven't served their side well? Not really. Their role is too
important and effective to ignore, especially within the U.S. The
much-touted 70 per cent support for the war in the U.S. is based on
startling untruths. Lies the American media have either left
unchallenged or actively promoted. At least one New York Times/CBS
News survey reflects this: As many as 42 per cent of Americans
believe that Saddam Hussein was directly responsible for the
September 11 attack on the World Trade Center. And, an ABC News poll
shows, 55 per cent believe the Iraqi dictator directly supports
Al-Qaeda.
That these fictions are believed nowhere in the planet except in the
United States is a tribute to the capacity of U.S. corporate media to
manipulate their public. So, even as their image takes a beating,
don't underestimate their ability to sell war and death. They've been
doing it - with some success - for decades.
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