[Reader-list] Posting by Mallica: The Remembered Past of Tibetan Youth in Delhi

[Vivek Narayanan]

Date: Thu, 15 Jun 2006 07:03:47 +0100 (BST)
From: mallica mishra <mallica_jnu at yahoo.co.in>
Subject: Identities of Tibetan Youth in Delhi: Merging of the Past with 
the Present
To: reader-list at sarai.net

IDENTITIES OF TIBETAN YOUTH IN DELHI: MERGING OF THE PAST WITH THE PRESENT

H'lo all! My earlier postings have attempted to explore the identities 
of the Tibetan youth studying in Delhi University by looking at the role 
of their immediate, physical environment, and their place of residence 
in the city, particularly in context of the Tibetan Youth Hostel in 
Rohini, Delhi. I have also looked at the influence of media, the 'global 
resources' of television; cinema; e-mail; FM Radio etc in forging their 
youth identities. This posting will now try to delve into their past, 
particularly the impact of the years of schooling in the host country, 
to understand the complex yet interesting process of identity 
construction and their aspirations in life.
Identities are as much a matter of being as also of becoming, they are 
part of a continuous process rather than a finished product. It is 
important to realize that the identities of the youth in question have 
elements of the present (influence of the place and city of residence, 
influence of 'global urban youth culture' that they tend to become a 
part of through lived experiences in the city as also by increased 
exposure through the media (TV; Cinema, Internet etc). At the same time, 
the role of their past lives: the country they were born in, the schools 
that they went to, the spaces and relationships that they were part of, 
all becomes important as elements that helped forge their identities. 
Even now, relatively grown-up, going to college and living in the city 
of Delhi, many of these elements seem to continue to constitute the 
essentials of their identities, to that extent these issues need to be 
further explored. My initial postings identified the Tibetan schools in 
exile in India (Tibetan Children's' Village (TCV); Central Tibetan 
Schools (CTS) and other autonomous schools, like THF etc), as schools 
which had been deliberately set up by the Tibetan Government in exile 
with the support of the Government of India, with the goal of providing 
an education that would be a balance between 'traditional' and 'modern' 
education and enable the children to be equipped with the skills and 
qualities required in future (free/autonomous) Tibet.

This posting will look at the role that these schools play in creating a 
certain, composite, pan-Tibetan identity amongst all Tibetan children. 
Discussions with Tibetan youth revealed that it was in these schools 
that most of them realized that they "were Tibetan", "refugee" and 
"different from others". Alongwith socialization at home and influence 
of the Tibetan community, these schools emerge as major sites for the 
construction of Tibetan identities (particularly for those children who 
were born in Tibet, Nepal, Bhutan etc and came to India at a very early 
age for their education). In the absence of a real family, for many, the 
schools constitute 'family' and 'home' to those who have been brought up 
in these residential schools.

This posting will look at the role of the schools: pedagogies and 
language/medium of instruction; subjects taught; co-curricular and 
extra-curricular activities which all combine to create a 'School 
Culture' and an environment that are crucial elements in determining 
their sense of self and their identity as Tibetan.


A. Bonding with the school: 'Home' parents vs. 'Real' Parents:

The institutionalized presence and example of Tibetan adults at these 
schools as housemother and sometimes also housefather called Amala 
(mother) and pala (father) respectively, and the love and care provided 
by them to Tibetan children seems to be an important determinant in 
identity-construction. This is because, a majority of the students in 
the residential schools, such as TCV, Dharamsala , H.P have come to 
India at a very young age leaving their parents behind. They usually 
lose all contact with their parents after coming to India (fearing that 
any contact with parents may lead to the penalization of the former by 
the Chinese government) and pass the growing years of their life, from 
primary to senior secondary school level, under the care of these house 
parents.
The life history of Ngodup , college student, interviewed in Delhi 
brings out the relationship of students with their housemothers. Ngodup 
says that: "For 10 years I had no information about my parents and vice 
versa. They believed that I was dead. I was looked after and raised by 
TCV, Suja and later by TCV upper Dharamsala". "I am very close to the 
elders (for example, my housemother in TCV School, Dharamsala and other 
teachers and staff members there). This is because when I was growing 
up, I had none to turn to except them. They understand me better than my 
own parents".

These bonds with foster parents sometimes even manifest in dilemmas over 
decisions over 'going back' to Tibet as it becomes difficult to break 
these ties created over a long period of time and to go to families they 
have had no contact with, sometimes, over a period of several years. 
What is poignant is the desire for the parents, in such cases, to be 
able to see their children "before they die". For the youth, in such 
cases, it becomes difficult to decide As Ngodup says, " I have grown up 
here in India amidst Tibetan teachers and friends who are telling me not 
to go. I feel undecided."

The residential schools, for instance, the network of TCV schools with 
their 'homes' where the children stay with their foster parents as a 
'family' emerge as important determinants in the identity formation of 
Tibetan children, particularly those who have come from Tibet at an 
early age to study in India. According to Lawrence Liang, they are 
important as "structures in place for the Tibetan refugee children to 
have a 'normal' childhood"(Liang, 1999:2). An example of this bond is 
evident in the words of Tsiring Dorjee-Sidhu, "Strangely the first time 
I ever met the rest of my 'family' was after my tenth standard when I 
went to Manali to meet them. While these strangers were my real family I 
never felt at home with them as I did with my TCV family. While all the 
stories I have told you about TCV may make it seem like we did not have 
a good childhood all I want to say in the end is that I really loved TCV 
and it was the best family that someone like me could hope to get. I am 
still in touch with my home father and mother" (cited in Liang, 1999: 71).

It is the power of these bonds that makes many of the youth want to go 
back to the schools as teachers, after graduation. Tenzin Yangkyi, who 
came with her mother to India as a four year old, remembers her mother 
leaving her behind and her crying as she left. She is studying in Laxmi 
Bai College in Delhi University and says that many students think of 
"coming back to our society to teach even though they are not paid well 
in the Tibetan schools to repay debts of gratitude that we feel for 
them. We consider our school classmates as our brothers and sisters. Our 
boarding house is called 'home' and an attachment is there for the small 
ones and for the elders". Poems written by school children in their 
school magazines, for instance,' Sherab-Lophel', a students' bi-monthly 
brought out by the Tibetan Homes School, Mussoorie express the emotions 
of love and gratitude that Tibetan children have for their schools 
/'homes' and towards their house parents. They also give some indication 
of the sense of self and identity of the children as being formed in the 
schools.


Who am I?

Who am I?
I am a boy from Tibet
Who lives in snow land
Eating Tsampa and meat
Rearing Yaks and sheeps. Who am I?
I am a boy of refugee
Since from the year of 1999
But due to the grace of H.H.The Dalai Lama
I'm getting all the good facilities at free of cost. Who am I?
I am s student of big institution
Called Tibetan Homes School
Due to the guidance given by my teachers,
I feel, am going on the right path of life. Who am I?
I am a follower of His Holiness
To prevail peace on the earth
With no difference of nationality, caste and age.
But with a spirit of harmony always. Who am I?
I am a reporter of the BBC news
Who will one day make the announcement
The real condition of Tibet.
-Kalsang (Home no#25)
(Source: Sherab-Lophel, March April,2005, Tibetan Homes School, Mussoorie)

My Great Foster Parent

My Great Foster Parent
Oh! My great foster parents,I am lucky to get the kind blessing of yours
what a lucky boy am I to get your love.
I never had a parent like you in my life.
Where I can see the reflection of my real parents. Oh! My great foster 
parents,
I am lucky to get the kind blessings of yours
I never had the kind of blessings like that
In my whole life. I consider you as the real god:
Disguised in human being.
Your care for us and the lessons
Valuing small things will be cherished forever. Oh! My great foster parents,
How can I ever repay your kindness,
The moments shared with you is unforgettable.
And all I can say is "THANK YOU!!!" Pema Wangchen ,Home-14.
(Source: Sherab-Lophel, March April,2005, Tibetan Homes School, Mussoorie)

a) School Culture: Role of Tibetan Language

Tibetan language can be regarded as another very strong reinforcement of 
Tibetan ethnicity and identity in Tibetan schools and has emerged from 
an almost exclusive use of Tibetan language inside classrooms as well as 
outside in the school campus not only in the residential schools but 
also in the day schools in the settlements.
Traditional Tibetan language (U-Tsang dialect) has been seen as an 
important and irreplaceable component of Tibetan identity for the 
Tibetan community in exile. It is believed that preservation of language 
is a "survival cause", as the prime reason for coming into exile was to 
preserve their unique linguistic and cultural heritage. This belief can 
be seen translated into the educational policies formulated by the 
Department of Education of the Government in exile over the years. The 
Tibetanization of Education project introduced in TCV schools in 1984 
(followed by other CTSA and other schools in 1995) and the new Basic 
Education Policy on Education for Tibetans in Exile introduced in 2004. 
Both have been efforts in this direction, which have brought about 
radical changes in the system of education system of Tibetans in exile, 
particularly in the field of choice of mother tongue as the medium of 
instruction.


b).Textbooks & Subjects

Radical changes were brought about in terms of preparation and 
publication of a series of Tibetan language textbooks to teach and 
inform students on aspects of Tibetan language, religion, culture and 
history.

The content of the textbooks suggest that the aim is to provide 
knowledge and information to students about aspects of traditional 
culture that cannot be transplanted to India.

I looked at a few books (in English), for instance, the History book 
meant for classes above VI in TCV schools. A History of Tibet Book-1 
'The Land of the Snows' has a chapter called 'A Visit from the Nomads'. 
A paragraph from this chapter given below provides an idea about the way 
textbooks are being used in exile for cultural preservation.

"In the past, nearly half the population of Tibet lived as wandering 
mountain nomads. Most lived in the wild Amdo and Kham regions of 
northeast Tibet, though there were others on the great plains in the 
north, and in the remoter mountains of the west as well. It was a hard 
but vigorous life… Before dawn the women would rise and milk the female 
yaks, called dris. Then, they would serve hot, buttered tea to their 
families, and, as, in the villages, a small offering of food and juniper 
was made on simple stone altar outside the tent…" (Source: Gibb, A 
History of Tibet Book-1 'The Land of the Snows', 2004:69).

Other than highlighting socio-cultural aspects and ways of life of the 
people in Tibet before the Chinese occupation, political aspects are 
also dealt with, specially the Chinese takeover of Tibet in 1959, the 
events preceding and following it. The objective seems to be not only to 
inform the students about these political realities but, more 
importantly, to develop feelings of Tibetan nationalism amongst them. 
The History book 'A History of Tibet Book-2 'Independence to Exile' 
meant for classes VIII-IX in the chapter 'Tibet is Crushed' highlights 
the following aspects.

"From April 1959, then, all pretense of allowing the Tibetans any say in 
conducting their own affairs was abandoned. A virtual military 
dictatorship was set up in Lhasa…A reign of terror was begun against all 
those thought to have aided, or even sympathized with the recent 
uprising… Most lamas ended up in forced labour camps, or were executed 
in the most horrifying ways. Nor did the poorest peasants escape from 
this wave of persecution. Anyone even suspected of opposing Chinese rule 
was punished and executed. Indeed, so bad was the situation in Tibet 
immediately after 1959, that a Commission of the United Nations- on the 
evidence of the thousands of Tibetan refugees pouring into 
India-described the Chinese behaviour to the Tibetan people as 'genocide'.

"In the years following 1959, Tibetan culture and traditions continued 
to be attacked and destroyed. All education was now in Chinese, religion 
was declared to be 'poison' and effectively banned, and many young 
children were forcibly removed from their parents and sent to China to 
be indoctrinated. Meanwhile, Chinese officials continued to hold the 
most important posts in the Tibetan administration".

The last chapter of the book, 'The Future' expresses the "fervent wish 
of most exiles" for the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan refugees to "return 
to Tibet"(Source: (Gibb, 'A History of Tibet Book-2 'Independence to 
Exile', 1987:90).

Thus, the history and geography lessons and the lessons on polity emerge 
as an important means through which children are told and taught about 
their rich past and through which their imagination of Tibet, as a 
nation in exile, emerges.

Thus, the language classes serve as a practical means of transmitting 
traditional culture alongwith providing the students with a "thorough 
modern education". In line with this aim, the Tibetan schools have 
adopted a common syllabus for grades one to eight, with standardized 
curricula, courses and textbooks all prepared by NCERT. Schools with 
grades nine and above were affiliated to CBSE and the programmes were 
standardized with a view for preparing students for AISSE.


c).Pedagogy & Co-Curricular activities

While a series of new textbooks and courses have been introduced in the 
Tibetan schools over the years and represent modernization of the 
traditional system of education and curriculum, the pedagogical 
approaches used in classrooms are still very much subject to criticism 
as they continue to retain much of their earlier features.

Learning tends take place in a very passive way with limited student 
participation and initiative. Monastic pedagogical methods of 
lecture-based teaching and mantra reciting and guru-submitting seem to 
be very common and also seemingly at odds with modern student-centered 
pedagogy.

There are many Tibetan holidays (alongwith Indian) that are celebrated 
in school, though the numbers of days of celebration has been shortened 
as compared to pre-occupation Tibet due to situational constraints in 
exile. The Holiday schedule of the TCV schools refers to the following 
holidays observed in the schools: Parents Day; Tibetan National Uprising 
Day; Tibetan Women's Uprising Day; Second Saturday; State Day; Saka 
Dawa; SOS Day; Zamling Chisang; Birthday of His Holiness the Dalai Lama; 
Choekor Duechen; Independence Day of India; Democracy Day of Tibet; 
Staff Day; Gandhi Jayanti; Tibetan Youth Day; Village/School anniversary 
day; Lha-bab-Duechen; Children's Day; Nobel Peace Prize Day; 
Nyanpa-Guzom; Republic Day of India; Tibetan New Year and 
Choenga-Choepa. Non-Tibetan teachers are permitted to take holidays on: 
Holi, Good Friday, Dussehra, Diwali (Source: Education Code for TCV 
Schools, Dharamsala, H.P, 1999).
Prayers seem to compose an important aspect of life in the Tibetan 
schools. Along with the half-hour (daily) prayer sessions, there are 
occasions when the whole school community-students, teachers and 
dormitory house parents all get together in special prayer and 
incense-burning ceremonies (bsangs-gsol) in a prayer-hall in the school 
or in the temple/monastery located on campus or elsewhere in the 
settlement.

These prayer ceremonies represent a blend of the religious as well as 
the political as references are made to the status and situation of 
Tibet. These occasions also seek to refresh the memory and remind the 
younger generations of their duties towards their nation, Tibet, thus, 
helping in the development of an ethnic self-definition.
With reference to co-curricular activities in the present Tibetan 
schools, the semi-structured discussions with Tibetan youth refer to 
holding of many co-curricular and extra-curricular activities in schools 
such as intra and interschool competitions in dance, music, debate 
(Tibetan & English), quiz, elocution (Tibetan & English), essay-contest, 
athletics-meet etc, painting and Tibetan calligraphy, holding of the 
'Tibet-Our-Country-Project', celebration of important days according to 
the Tibetan calendar, such as celebration of the Dalai Lama's birthday; 
observance of the 10th March Uprising Day etc


d).'Rituals' and 'Ceremonies' in school

With regard to Tibetan children studying in Tibetan schools in India, 
school rituals, such as the morning assembly emerge as important 
determinants in identity formation of the children. To those children 
who have never seen Tibet (were born in India, Nepal Bhutan etc) as well 
as those who were born there (but left the country at a very young age 
so were unable to fully comprehend the nature of Tibetan identity), it 
is through observance of these rituals and ceremonies in the school that 
a picture of Tibet as a pure, unchanged, idyllic, sacred, land of their 
ancestors emerges and takes shape in their imagination and goes on to 
become the most important element of their identity as Tibetan refugees 
in exile.

These school rituals and ceremonies, emerge as important 'transmitters 
of identity' which more importantly create, foster and celebrate a 
we-feeling amongst the students, teachers, house parents by bringing 
them together

Reference can also be made here to other such aspects and school 
activities which seek to encourage the idea of cultural preservation for 
the survival of the unique heritage of the community. For instance, 
Dechen , a student in the hostel, states that there used to be 
Inter-house competitions in cultural and sports categories between the 
four houses in her school, ie;Songsten; Trisong; Triral; Nyatri (She was 
in this house).These are all names of ancient Tibetan kings.

'Tibet-Our-Country Project': Celebration of an important month-long 
event called the 'Tibet-Our-Country Project' seems to be a very 
significant school activity playing an important role in educating the 
Tibetan children on aspects of Tibetan culture and identity as also 
influencing the ethnic identity formation of the former.
Peace and protest marches are also an integral part of school life. On 
occasions such as March 10th, Tibetan Uprising day, students and 
teachers take to the streets, with placards (they had stayed up late in 
the nights to prepare) stating, 'Tibet Ki Aazaadi- Bharat Ki Suraksha'; 
'Long Live Dalai Lama'; 'China- Go Out of Tibet', 'We Want Justice' etc 
with the local Indian shopkeepers watching the spectacle with bemused or 
bored expressions.

e).Role of teachers

The schools contribute towards the development of an intense type of 
nationalism by providing a legitimate official Tibetan context for what 
would otherwise be individual, personal statements from individual 
refugees. The impact of respected, awe-inspiring authority figures such 
as teachers, like "we are refugees; we are different; we have to go 
back" alongwith the thoughtfully constructed school environment and 
activities within and outside it (daily singing of national anthem; 
staging of inter-house debates/elocution contests etc on Tibet, its 
independence and related issues, protest marches on occasions, such as, 
annual 10th March Uprising Day etc), all combine to provide and official 
context to the essential identity of Tibetanness that every Tibetan 
child tends to come across and embrace and the schools' role in 
promoting nationalism, thus, becomes even more evident.

The words of Tsundue, Tenzin , a youth poet-activist are very expressive 
in this context. He writes, "When we were children in a Tibetan school 
in Himachal pradesh, our teachers would regale us with tales of Tibetans 
suffering in Tibet. We were often told that we were refugees and that we 
all bore a big 'R' on our foreheads. It didn't make much sense to us, we 
only wished the teacher would hurry up and finish his talk and not keep 
us standing in the hot sun, with our oiled hair. For a very long time I 
sincerely believed that we were a special kind of people with an 'R' on 
our foreheads. We did look different from the local Indian families who 
lived around our school campus.." "Perhaps the first thing I learnt at 
school was that we were refugees and we didn't belong to this country" 
(Tsundue, Tenzin, 2004).

Talks with Tibetan youth I came across also reveal such feelings. To 
Ngodup, a student who came to India when he was very young, the idea of 
Tibetanness grew only in school. "The idea that I am Tibetan grew in 
school, especially during the 'Tibet-Our Country Project' every year. 
Every they would release statistics of Tibetan political prisoners who 
were tortured and killed in Tibet, which initially, I used to find 
difficult to believe as I had no idea of all this while I was in Tibet. 
Questions like, "where is all this happening?" "How come, I never saw?" 
would arise in my mind. It was going on peace marches from school 
shouting slogans, like, 'Chinese! Go out of Tibet!' 'Tibet belongs to 
Tibetans'! that I realized my identity as Tibetan.

In the 4th , 5th and 6th classes, our teachers would tell us that we are 
refugees; we are different; we have to go back. Indians have their own 
country and we don't. They would say that we have extra responsibility 
to do well in studies and we have to work hard. If others (Indians) 
study for 2 hours, we need to put in 4 hours. They would tell us that we 
are completely different from Indians and that we should not get carried 
away with fashion".

The role of the Tibetan schools in India in constructing identities of 
the Tibetan children through a certain school culture, in terms of 
school curriculum through the following agents become important: a) 
residential schools & the Institutionalized role of house parents b) 
language c) role of (textbooks & subjects and (pedagogy & co-curricular 
activities, primarily, 'rituals' & 'ceremonies') curriculum, thus, 
emerges as an important. Students are taught to regard themselves as the 
proud inheritors of future 'free' Tibet and as the heirs of a unique 
cultural and religious heritage in exile. All of the above create 
certain values and attitudes amongst the children, which contributes to 
form and forge their sense of Tibetanness and Tibetan identity.

These elements of Tibetan identity that are formed, while in school, and 
remain an essential part of the identities of the Tibetan youth in Delhi 
are:

i). Feelings of intense nationalism:

many scholars seem to believe that this feeling of nationalism is also 
'militant' in nature borne out of frustration amongst the youth with the 
'middle-way' approach of exile politics not bearing any fruitful results 
upon their 'freedom struggle'. However my discussions with the small 
sample of youth studying in Delhi university did not reveal any such 
'militant' aspirations, though the feeling of nationalism and pride in 
their Tibetanness is strong, they seem to have full faith in the Dalai 
Lama's approach (peaceful methods for grant of 'real' autonomy) which is 
supposed to be a more 'practical' method.

ii). Concept of The Dalai Lama as the sole Tibetan leader and 
International icon:

The Dalai Lama is not only the most important spiritual and temporal 
leader of the Tibetan refugees in India; he is also a living god for 
them, their 'protector', the manifestation of Chenresig, Lord of 
Compassion.The older as well as the younger generations, may of whom 
have been born and brought up in exile have grown up with framed 
photographs of the former beaming down at them with an expression of 
benevolent compassion, not only in schools (classrooms; 'homes') but 
also everywhere in the Tibetan settlements, not only in Tibetan houses 
but also in all the offices of the Tibetan government in exile, Tibetan 
restaurants; shops; cafes; youth associations; beauty parlors; bakery 
shops; handicraft centers/shops etc. The story of the 'banishment' and 
'forced exile' of the living god is faithfully passed on to children 
through textbooks; quotations by him form an important part of school 
calendars; his birthday celebrations have emerged as an important time 
for reaffirming Tibetan ness and unquestionable loyalty to the one and 
only leader of the Tibetans in exile. This feeling of absolute adoration 
and respect for the Dalai Lama seems to remain, even as they grow up, 
outside Tibetan settlements and shift to bigger cities like Delhi. To 
each one of the youth I talked to, the Dalai Lama, is the most important 
role-model they admire who they look upto and who comprises the essence 
of what and who they are today (they are 'alive' and 'doing well' in 
exile, 'because of him'). He is revered, also for being the most 
important advocate of their cause in International circles, the key to 
their future destiny.

iii). Association of Tibetan Buddhism with Tibetan identity:

Though intergenerational gap seems to be evident in the amount of 
importance given to religion in the day-to-day lives of the young and 
the old. However, religion, particularly, Tibetan Buddhism, seems to be 
an integral part of their identity as Tibetan refugees. Right from 
birth, the role of religion in shaping their identity is visible: a 
mantra that is perpetually on their lips is 'Om Mani Padme Hum', an 
invocation of the boddhisatva Avalokiteshwara; brightly-colored Buddhist 
prayer flags fluttering from the rooftops in the settlement schools and 
all houses in the settlement. The youth shed light on the important role 
of religion in their lives when they were in school with the daily 
morning assembly starting with a Tibetan Buddhist prayer to the god of 
wisdom, Manjushri; special classes on religion held by Lamas and 
geshe's; holidays observed on days of religious significance (for 
instance:Saka Dawa on 11th June every year commemorating the birth; 
enlightenment and passing away of the Buddha); prayer ceremonies in a 
temple on campus attended by students, teachers, house parents etc. 
School textbooks on religion and culture consciously aim to communicate 
to children the importance of religion in life and give teachings on 
Buddhism that seek to create certain values and attitudes of compassion, 
honesty and sacrifice amongst the children. In college in Delhi, many of 
the youth admitted that the daily habit of offering water to the Tibetan 
deities and the Dalai Lama's photograph and doing prostrations before 
going off to bed every night (an integral part of their school life) had 
slackened. However, they reaffirmed the fact that though might not seem 
to be 'so religious' now, religion is still important to them, they pray 
'when they get time' and even attend Wednesday prayer sessions in the 
Tibetan Youth Hostel (though they are not very regular with it). Tibetan 
Buddhism thus seems to emerge as a marker of Tibetan youth identity in 
exile that manifests itself in expressions such as the routine Wednesday 
prayer sessions in the hostel, and also acts of 'compassion' such as 
releasing of fishes in the water to seek the 'long life' of the Dalai 
Lama etc.

iv). The sense of cultural uniqueness and importance of preserving 
Tibetan culture, language and identity:

An urgency to preserve the unique and precious Tibetan culture, language 
and identity is communicated to the Tibetan children studying in Tibetan 
schools', not only with the help of curriculum and pedagogy specifically 
designed for the same purpose but also through activities, as stated 
above. An important component of these co-curricular and 
extra-curricular activities is that they emphasize upon the uniqueness 
and preciousness of the cultural and linguistic heritage that Tibetans' 
possess and that is being systematically destroyed by the Han Chinese in 
Tibet through systematic genocide. For instance, the exhibitions 
organized by the gu-chu-sum (an organization formed by ex-political 
prisoners in exile) in the schools' where photographs of Tibetan 
prisoners being tortured alongwith the torture weapons (smuggled out of 
China) are exhibited, creates a strong feeling of urgency to save their 
race from extinction.

This is the reason why mixed marriages with people from other 
nationalities are not considered favourable as it amounts to their 
abdicating their responsibility towards their community identity. This 
concern manifests itself in the conscious desire of the youth to marry 
only within the community. Most of the interviewed youth stated that 
they would prefer to marry within their own community rather than outside.

B. Role of the Tibetan Youth Congress (TYC)

Alongwith the role of the school, the role of the most important Tibetan 
youth organization, i.e. the Tibetan Youth Congress in fostering a type 
of "militant nationalism" also has to be examined. The Tibetan Youth 
Congress was set up to create a "sense of cultural solidarity and "group 
identification" by inducting the youth in community welfare and social 
service programmes (Saklani, 1984:330). It is supposed to be the 'most 
active NGO of Tibetans worldwide' having more than 30,000 members. It's 
mission is to fight for the "complete independence for the whole of 
Tibet"(www.tibetanyouthcongress.org).However 
<http://www.tibetanyouthcongress.org%29.However>, over the years the TYC 
seems to have been displaying a more militant nationalism and coming 
into conflict with the ideologies of the older generation of Tibetan 
leaders in exile, who led by the Dalai Lama have been advocating 'real 
autonomy' of Tibet as against the TYC's demand for "complete 
independence" of Tibet.

TYC, more than an organization seems to represent a certain necessary 
period of one's life as youth, as a kind of rites de passage that every 
Tibetan youth is supposed to go through after school. As Tsering, 
Topden, President of San Fransisco Bay area, Regional Tibetan Youth 
Congress (RTYC) puts it, "Tibetan Youth Congress is the must-read flyer 
that's thrust in one's hand as soon as he reaches certain maturity, that 
threshold to armpit hair, the first cigarette and the sexual awakenings. 
The contents of the publication, the raison de tre of the organization; 
these are all known to him, right down to the green logo (yet another 
version of Tibetan map), one more souvenir to add to the images Tibetan 
on the mantelpiece of his exile identity"(Tsering, T: 2004).

The RTYC in Delhi, also, seems to have a significant presence amongst 
the Tibetan youth, as most of the youth who were interviewed, stated 
that while many of them are not members of the TYC, they still 
participate in activities, peace protests and demonstrations organized 
by it (even 'illegal' ones such as storming of the Chinese embassy etc 
and suffering lathi-charge and even courting arrest due to the same). 
Many of them seem to be paradoxically opposed to the use of 'militant' 
or violent means in Tibet's struggle, and support the Middle Way 
approach (of real autonomy as against total independence) as is 
advocated by the Dalai Lama.

Elements of Identities of Tibetan Youth in Delhi

An analysis of the identities of Tibetan youth, thus, needs to consider 
the values, attitudes of the former already created in Tibetan schools' 
in India, as explored in the above section. I have, therefore, tried to 
explore in this posting the role of school culture that seeks to be 
distinctly Tibetan in nature and which helps form, give character and 
depth to the identities of the children as Tibetan refugee children. 
These are the elements that remain, as parts of their identities as they 
leave the portals of their school and go out into the bigger world.

It is a combination of their past experiences (place of birth and 
schooling) with their present experiences in exile (may include spaces 
and relationships within the hostel and without (college campus etc) as 
also the 'global resources' of television; cinema; e-mail; FM Radio etc) 
alongwith the association with activities of organizations such as the 
Tibetan Youth Congress (TYC) that constitutes the bedrock or the core 
elements of Tibetan identity in exile. It is on this 'bedrock' of 
identity that the life experiences of Tibetan youth in cities (who come 
to pursue their higher education) build on adding the supplementary 
layers and the 'top-soil' to constitute their present identities which 
are multiple, hybrid and constantly in flux.

Warm wishes, Mallica