[Reader-list] CPI (M) and West Bengal CM's Statements on Nandigram
Shuddhabrata Sengupta
shuddha at sarai.net
Fri Mar 23 12:17:08 IST 2007
Dear Tapas, and Taraprakash,
Many thanks for your posts. I am sorry that I did not notice that the
official CPI(M) position had in fact been carried earlier on the Reader
List already. Thank you for pointing that out. But I am glad that the
redundant act of re-posting old material has provoked an interesting
conversation. And apologies in advance for a post that I think will be
somewhat rambling.
I agree with Tapas. It would be interesting to politely request the
ladies and gentlemen who publish 'Peoples Democracy' or even
'Janashakti' to carry articles, reports and texts about Singur,
Nandigram, West Bengal, or Joseph Stalin that are not necessarily in
consonance with the official line of the CPI(M) - entirely in the
interests of CPI(M) cadres being exposed to the diversity of positions
that can and indeed are being taken on the left today. So that our
comrades in the CPI (M) can be better informed about the way that others
think about their party's actions and policies. Perhaps PD could carry a
'How They See Us' Box.
I am skeptical as to whether such a demand would be assented to, but I
would welcome it if it were to happen, and since I am aware that there
are CPI(M) members and sympathizers on this list, I would be happy if
they were in fact to take this request to the party HQ, just as this
list has unhesitatingly carried their point of view. Of course, a
mailing list is not a party, and should never become one, or even
pretend to be one, ('just as a 'revolution is not a dinner party':) ).
But a party can occasionally find something of use in the manner in
which discussions are carried out in a mailing list. Maybe?
Having said that, I would like to add that an authoritarian political
culture is not necessarily the monopoly of the CPI(M). It is present, as
far as my understanding goes, in almost the entire parliamentary and
extra-parliamentary left, not only in India, but elsewhere as well. Of
course it is a central feature of all political currents in India, and
no formation, neither ML, nor Gandhian, nor Socialist, nor of course the
Congress or the regional parties, not even Dalit formations, can claim
immunity from the malaise of a deeply hierarchical, patriarchal and
authoritarian style of politics. I am not even discussing the inner
political culture of the RSS and the Sangh Parivar. I am also aware that
this runs deep in the voluntary and NGO sector. As far as I am
concerned, in the matter of the ethos and style of politics, it does not
really matter as to whether you are Gandhian, or Maoist, or CPI(M) or
Congress or BJP or a functionary of an NGO.
Perhaps this is because the objective of seizing power (or a thin slice
of power) or of holding on to power (or a thin slice of power) is all
that motivates us all on the left. Social transformation, the work of
creating and sustaining different ways of acting, producing, relating to
others is seen as a secondary activity - somethign to be left for
generations to come. This is what we are told can happen in the sunrise
that follows the sunset of Capital.
Notice, that I am deliberately saying 'us', rather than creating a
purist distinction between - them - the CPI (M) and others ('us'? -
affilated, or unaffiliated) on the left.
For now, we are told, the important task is the seizure, (not the
dismantling, but the seizure) of the organs of political power. Having
done that, all that needs to be done is the 'nationalization', or
'statization' of production, all else can be as it was before. In the
1930s - factory in the erstwhile USSR was never very different from a
factory in the USA. The Leninist enthusiasm for Fordist assembly line
production techniques is an indication of actually how similar they were.
The rhetoric of 'Peoples Armies', 'Peoples Polices', 'Liberated Zones',
'Parallel States', 'New Democracies' et al, only replicates the
institutional mechanisms and mores of the state and capital. The
tranformation that occurs is more nomnclatural (or Nomenklautural?) then
substantive.
It is interesting to reminisce at this point of time that one of the
forgotten central demands of the revolutionary working class movement in
the nineteenth and the early twentieth centruy was the abolition of
standing armies.
This is a demand that was actualized in the Paris Commune and in the
heady early days of Soviet power. This demand was made based on an
understanding that the attempt at forming a new form of social
organization required a departure from earlier forms of control in
politics and society. It was not seen as a peripheral, or marginal part
of the programme of revolutionary politics, but was seen as central. It
is interesting to speculate as to what shape the legacy of the communist
movement would have taken if the insistence on not having standing
armies had won the day. The police action in West Bengal, and the
actions of 'Armed Cadres' by the parliamentary and the
extra-parliamentary left in West Bengal, or a day later in Chattisgarh,
are the acts of the 'standing armies' of the left, or in the service of
the left in India. They are both signals of the distance that the
imagination of the left in our milieu has travelled from the originary
revolutionary impulses that sustained the international movements for
the emancipation of working peoples everywhere.
All that the left wants now is power. The consequences of this desire
are thattoo little attention is being paid or has been paid on how we
might live and act in the present in a manner that corresponds to our
desires for a million revolutionary transformations in every sphere of
life. In a manner that runs counter to the logic of power.
Perhaps if we pay some attention to these un-named and un-namable areas
of life, perhaps if the left were as attentive, or more attentive to the
task of creating libraries, attending to and thinking about health,
thiking about the relationships between men and women and generations,
thinking about and actually becoming active in the sphere of production,
experimenting with technology and knowledge, than it were to the task of
amassing either money, or arms, or votes - then situations such as
Nandigram would be fewer. Doing this does not necessarily mean that the
entire left rediscovers itself as a bunch of NGOs. Because NGOs do not
aim at the revolutionary transformation of life, they aim at making life
as it is, more bearable, and most often they act at the interstices of
failed state action, and there is nothing wrong or right with that, it
is just not a fundamentally political objective. What I am hinting at
means a rethinking of what it means to be political on an everyday
basis. For instance, (to give a small example) it means thinking about
the nature of work and work spaces, about whether or not offices have
creches for workers with children. When was the last time you heard a
trade union make a demand for creches for workers in India? And as far
as I know the vast majority of working people in India, especially, but
not only working women, do have some responsibility for the care of
their young. When was the last time you heard about an organized trade
union think about the state of toilets in factories. When did you last
see a library run by a left organization for workers, students, the
general public, that did not only have party or 'progressive' literature?
The heritage of the first international, (which Marx was a key part of)
actually envisaged a direct intervention in the fabric of social and
cultural life - hence the fundamental transformations in the everyday
life of working peoples that took place in the nineteenth century - were
the left were more busy thinking about food, day care, libraries,
transport, pedagogy, health and even sexuality than they were about
winning elections, making loud noises in parliaments and courts,
protecting SEZs or killing police constables (I am deliberately talking
about Dantewara, in the same breath as I am about Nandigram), then we
might actually see the formation of a different kind of politics
I am trying to invoke a kind of politics that requires patience and
care, not glamorous revolutionary rhetoric and spectacles of action and
staged resistance or martyrdom. But I do believe that it is a kind of
poltics that is fundamentally more revolutionary.
Perhaps, the events of Nandigram can focus some thought in this direction.
regards
Shuddha
Tapas Ray wrote:
> A few thoughts, for whatever they are worth:
>
> 1. As Taraprakash points out, the CPI-M line has indeed been articulated
> on this list by some members.
>
> 2. In my understanding, the list is under no obligation to carry the
> CPI-M's, the West Bengal CM's, the Prime Minister's, the President's,
> the UN Secretary General's, or anybody else's views, unless he/she/they
> are list members. Even members' rights are of a limited nature,
> circumscribed by the laws of the land and the list's own rules.
>
> 3. Therefore, it is a magnanimous gesture on the part of Shuddhabrata
> and the list to post and to carry, respectively, statements issued by
> the CPI-M and the Chief Minister, and one can only hope that those who
> asked for that favour, will appreciate the democratic values expressed
> through this gesture.
>
> At the same time, one wonders if any person or organization affiliated
> to the CPI-M or other Left Front partners would oblige if a statement
> criticising the CPI-M or the Chief Minister were sought to be posted on
> a forum administered by or accessible to them.
>
> 4. The official statements have some curiosity value, and I enjoyed
> reading them.
>
> 5. The CPI-M statement seems to suggest, without stating this directly,
> that the agitation was aimed at disrupting the process related to
> conferral of "Nirmal" status on East Midnapur. The only thing surprising
> about this is its crudity. Otherwise, this line - any disturbance is the
> opposition's conspiracy to show the working people's paradise in a poor
> light - is well-worn.
>
> Incidentally, if memory serves one right, some years ago the then
> undivided district of Midnapore became a "fully literate" state. It
> would be interesting to know the present level of its literacy.
>
> Tapas
>
>
>
> Shuddhabrata Sengupta wrote:
>
>>Dear All,
>>
>>Even as reports of how DYFI (CPI-M Youth Mass Organization) cadre were
>>involved in the violence at Nandigram are coming in, the official party
>>line on the events at Nandigram is beginning to circulate on the internet.
>>
>>See Economic Times, March 21, Nandigram Battle Now Veering Towards
>>Courts (Gives a report on the involvement of DYFI cadre in the Nandigram
>> Violence)
>>(http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/News/PoliticsNation/Nandigram_battle_now_veering_towards_courts/articleshow/1785742.cms)
>>
>>This morning, I received an e mail forwarded by Gayatri Chatterjee (from
>>Pune) simply saying that point of view had not as yet been articulated
>>on the Reader List. In the interests of the record and the ongoing
>>debate on this list, I am now posting this on the Reader List.
>>
>>I neither endorse, nor vouch for the contents of the CPI (M)'s official
>>statements, nor do I claim to speak for the Chief Minister of West
>>Bengal. My position on the culpability of the CPI (M), and the police
>>and the government of West Bengal in the massacre at Nandigram remain
>>unchanged, and those interested in knowing what my position is, need
>>only to read my last posting on the matter on this list.
>>
>>However, since these are public documents, I think it is only fair that
>>they have a public life, and be publicly scrutinized, and if need be,
>>interrogated.
>>
>>regards
>>
>>Shuddha
>>-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
>>
>>1. CPI (M) Official Statement on Events in Nandigram
>>
>>
>>COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA (MARXIST)
>>Central Committee
>>A.K. Gopalan Bhawan, 27-29, Bhai Vir Singh Marg New Delhi 110 001
>>Website: http://www.cpim.org email: cpim at vsnl.com
>>
>>March 19, 2007
>>
>>
>>What Happened in Nandigram?
>>
>>
>>
>>The trouble in Nandigram began with attacks on Panchayat members,
>>administrative officials and police on 3rd January, 2007. The following
>>is a brief of what happened thereafter.
>>
>>1. East Midnapur was poised to be declared as “Nirmal” district, for
>>excellent achievements in sanitation. A central team was scheduled to
>>visit Nandigram on 13th and 14th January for this purpose. In fact,
>>the central team has already visited other areas of the district and
>>watched the noteworthy success in this regard. On 3rd January, the
>>preparatory meeting for the visit was taking place in Kalicharanpur Gram
>> Panchayat office. Some activists of Trinamool Congress gathered there
>>at around 11-30 in the morning. They demanded that the land acquisition
>>notice, served by Haldia Development Authority be scrapped and the
>>Panchayat declare that there would be no such acquisition. Samerun Bibi,
>>the Panchayat pradhan, refused to heed their demand. They were violent
>>and abusive. They ransacked the Panchayat office. The Panchayat
>>secretary was injured in the attack. The mob also pelted stones on the
>>health sub-centre. It was only after this that the Panchayat pradhan
>>informed the Nandigram police station. As the police vehicle was
>>proceeding towards the village, they were attacked by an armed mob.
>>11policemen including 2 ASIs were seriously injured. The police vehicle
>>was torched. A rifle was also looted which was later returned to police
>>station by TMC MLA Subhendu Adhikary. After some time another mob
>>attacked a police car of Khejuri police station about five kilometers
>>away and attempted to burn it. The police have not entered the area
>>since then.
>>
>>2. The miscreants started moving with arms and began to destroy bridges
>>and culverts linking roads. They created an atmosphere of terror. On 4th
>>and 5th January, they virtually destroyed every link road and bridge
>>connecting Nandigram and Khejuri to the outside world. They also burnt a
>>25KV electric sub-station. An armed gang equipped with firearms attacked
>>the CPI(M) local committee office in Rajaramchawk and burnt it. Cadres
>>of TMC and other forces roamed around and threatened CPI(M) leaders and
>>sympathizers with dire consequences. On both these days many houses of
>>CPI(M) workers and sympathizers were looted. A large number of CPI(M)
>>workers were forced to leave the villages and take shelter in a nearby
>>camp. That the mob was armed could be seen in the photographs published
>>in newspapers. The entire incident was meticulously planned.
>>
>>3. The ousted CPI(M) workers and their families took shelter in a camp
>>in the southern side of the Bhangabera bridge in Khejuri area. On 6th
>>January miscreants of the so-called Jami Rakkha Committee (a
>>conglomeration of TMC, Congress, SUCI, Naxalite groups, Jamiat
>>ulema-e-Hind) attacked the camp at about 3 a.m. They even prepared
>>bunkers for the attack. There was resistance from the camp and in the
>>ensuing conflict three of the attackers died. One of them, Seikh Salim
>>was a resident of South Kendemari, about 12 Kms away from the spot. It
>>was evident that they gathered there to attack the camp in a planned
>>manner.
>>
>>4. On 7th January morning, the miscreants attacked the house of Sankar
>>Samanta, CPI(M) Panchayat member, looted his house and burnt it. They
>>dragged Samanta to Shitpara and burnt him alive in a haystack.
>>
>>5. Bhudeb Mandal, another CPI(M) supporter was seriously injured in the
>>attack. The miscreants left him, assuming that he was dead. He however,
>>regained consciousness and somehow reached a relative’s house. Later he
>>was hospitalized. In all 153 houses were looted. The houses and shops of
>>Lakhman Mandal, Sonachura Panchayat pradhan, Samerun Bibi, Kalicharanpur
>>Panchayat pradhan, Arjun Maity, Dr, Pratap Paul, Rabiul, Annapurna Das
>>-- all CPI(M) workers -- were burnt.
>>
>>6. Among those evicted from the villages are 2 district Committee
>>members of CPI(M), 2 local committee secretaries, 6 zonal committee
>>members, 16 local committee members and 56 Party members. More than 200
>>families were forced to stay in relief camp or relatives’ houses. Later,
>>the number surged and more than 2000 people were ousted from the
>>village. Their houses were looted and their lands were forcefully
>>occupied. Hundreds of people were forced to pay ransom.
>>
>>7. The attack spread to adjoining Khejuri and some parts of rural
>>Haldia. On 7th February, 2007 a police party went to the village to
>>discuss the issues. They were brutally attacked without any provocation.
>>The local OC was seriously injured. Despite this, the police did not
>>retaliate and returned back. The miscreants dragged Sadhucharan
>>Chatterjee, an elderly police person and killed him. His body was found
>>in the river after a three day search.
>>
>>8. On 10th February, Sunita Mondal, a student of class ten, was brutally
>>murdered after torture. Her body was found on a tree, with rope tied to
>>her neck. Her father was ousted earlier by miscreants. The police could
>>not enter into the village to collect information even after such an
>>incident. Members of the State Women Commission were also faced
>>resistance when they tried to investigate the matter.
>>
>>9. On 17th and 18th February, another 22 houses were burnt by the TMC
>>miscreants. Many more families were forced to flee from the villages.
>>
>>10. On 3rd March, one housewife (name withheld) was mass raped by a gang
>>of TMC miscreants led by Srihari Samanta, a local TMC leader. The victim
>>is from a CPI(M) sympathizer’s family and refused to join the
>>programme of Bhumi Rakkha Committee. The victim was hospitalized and her
>>entire statement has been recorded.
>>
>>11. The Chief Minister has stated categorically that there will be no
>>forced land acquisition in Nandigram. On 9th February the CM pointedly
>>told in a public meeting in Khejuri that without the consent of the
>>people of Nandigram nothing will be done. Later, on a number of
>>occasions during the last one month, the CM has repeatedly stated in
>>very clear terms that the proposed Chemical Hub would be shifted if the
>>people of Nandigram did not accept the proposal. Even after that, there
>>was no respite from the atrocities perpetrated by the Bhumi Rakkha
>>Committee, making it amply clear that the question is not at all that of
>>“land acquisition” but a political strategy to maintain a forced
>>acquisition of Nandigram by a combination of political forces.
>>
>>12. The district administration, meanwhile called a series of all
>>Party meetings and peace meetings, mostly boycotted by TMC, Congress and
>>Bhumi Rakkha Committee. The last such meeting was organized on 10th
>>March where representatives from Left Front partners and BJP were
>>present. TMC, Congress and Bhumi Rakkha Committee declined the
>>invitation. It was decided in the meeting that the administration would
>>move to restore reconstruction work and normalcy in the area and anyone
>>resisting the constitutional duties would be legally dealt with.
>>
>>13. On 14th March, the police entered the area after prior announcements
>>through loudspeaker. When they reached Sonachura, they were attacked
>>with bombs and guns. In the ensuing confrontation 13 people were killed.
>>One more person was killed due to bomb injury.
>>
>>------------------------------------
>>
>>2. Statement by Chief Minister, Buddhadeb Bhattacharya
>>in the West Bengal Assembly on March 15, 2007
>>On Incidents At Nandigram
>>
>>A proposal for setting up a mega-chemical hub and a multi-product
>>Special Economic Zone (SEZ) over about 10,000 acres of land in Nandigram
>>Police Station of Purba Medinipur district was under consideration of
>>the state government. Though no final decision has yet been taken about
>>the exact location of the projects, on December 29, 2006 an informal
>>notice for public information regarding likely location of this project
>>was circulated by the Haldia Development Authority to all blocks and
>>Gram Panchayat offices of the area. This notice was by way of
>>information only. No specific location of the project had yet been
>>decided by the state government. Once this notice reached various block
>>offices, there was massive resentment among those people who feared that
>>their land would be acquired. A number of political organizations and
>>parties formed a Bhumi Uchhed Pratirodh Committee. On January 3, 2007,
>>an unruly mob of about 3,000 people attacked a police party under the
>>charge of officer-in-charge, Nandigram police station and set fire to a
>>police jeep. In another incident on the same day, another police jeep
>>was set on fire at Garchakraberia Bazar. 23 police personnel also
>>received injuries in these clashes. Three cases were registered in
>>Nandigram police station over these incidents.
>>
>>These incidents were followed by several meetings between the
>>administration and the opposition parties in which it was clarified by
>>the district administration that no notification for acquisition of land
>>had yet been finalized. In spite of that, local feelings ran very high
>>and a bandh was declared in Nandigram police station area on January 4,
>>2007. Following this, peace meetings were held in several places of
>>Nandigram police station on January 6, 2007, but even after the
>>meetings, the situation turned violent. In the night of January 6/
>>January 7, 2007 there was a major clash between two groups – one owing
>>allegiance to the Bhumi Uchhed Pratirodh Committee and the other owing
>>allegiance to the ruling Left Front. In this clash, four people, who
>>were residents of various villages of Nandigram police station, were
>>killed and two separate cases were started over this incident. This was
>>followed by ransacking of CPI(M) Party Offices at several places and
>>incidents of violence and arson at the residence of several local
>>leaders of the CPI(M). The agitators also damaged many bridges and
>>culverts and dug up several roads as a result of which, the movement of
>>vehicles became impossible after January 7, 2007.
>>
>>In a series of peace meetings convened by the district Magistrate, Purba
>>Medinipur over this issue starting from January 8, 2007 it was
>>unanimously decided that all parties would take necessary steps to
>>restore peace in the locality and police camps would be set up at the
>>disturbed places. Despite these resolutions, however, it was not
>>possible to repair the damaged roads, culverts and bridges and it was
>>also not possible to deploy the state police within the affected parts
>>of the Nandigram police station. Despite several measures initiated by
>>the district administration to restore peace, execution of all
>>government projects and schemes came to a standstill since no government
>>officer was allowed to enter the affected areas. Gradually, a number of
>>people owing allegiance to CPI(M) had to move their places of normal
>>residence in Nandigaram police station and take shelter in several
>>temporary camps at Khejuri. Tension between the two rival groups kept on
>>mounting. There were several incidents of violence between February 03,
>>and February 06, 2007 in which fire was exchanged or bombs exploded
>>between the rival groups. On February 07, 2007 a sub-inspector of
>>police, Shri Sadhu Chatterji had gone to investigate a report received
>>about destruction of road communication. He was waylaid by an unruly mob
>>and killed. His dead body was recovered only on February 10, 2007. Over
>>this incident also, a case was started but all these cases could not be
>>investigated properly because the police was not able to enter the
>>affected areas.
>>
>>On February 11, 2007, the chief minister in a public meeting at a place
>>close to the affected area made an open commitment that no land for
>>setting up the chemical hub and SEZ would be acquired at Nandigram if
>>the people of Nandigram were against such acquisition.
>>However, sporadic incidents of violence involving displaced people in
>>the camps at Khejuri and the people of Bhangaberia and Sonachura areas
>>of Nandigram police station continued. It was resolved in one of the
>>peace meetings that both parties would maintain peace during the
>>Madhyamik Pariksha (Class-X) which was going on. The Madhyamik Pariksha
>>was over on March 5, 2007. The district magistrate, Purba Medinipur
>>again convened an all-party peace meeting. In this meeting he proposed
>>that peace should be restored, police should enter the affected areas of
>>Nandigram police station, damaged bridges and roads should be repaired
>>and normalcy restored to the entire affected areas. However, the
>>representatives of the Trinamool Congress and the Indian National
>>Congress did not attend this meeting.
>>
>>It was decided that this law-less situation in Nandigram and its
>>surroundings should not be allowed to continue, the damaged roads,
>>bridges and culverts should be repaired without any further delay and
>>police should take up the investigations in the cases of murder.
>>Thereafter, police force was mobilized and it was decided that the force
>>would enter Nandigarm through three separate routes under the leadership
>>of senior offices. The police force was asked to exercise utmost
>>restraint. They were further directed to use loud hailers to explain the
>>purpose of the movement of the police party to the people of that
>>locality which is to establish peace and restore normalcy. Ultimately,
>>the police movement started about 10.00 a.m in the morning of March 14,
>>2007. While one of the police parties could move into Nandigaram without
>>any resistance two other police parties were confronted by large
>>gatherings of hostile people. When the police asked them to disperse,
>>they paid no heed and resorted to heavy brick-batting causing injury to
>>some policemen. To disperse the mob, police lobbed tear gas shells. The
>>mob them became more agitated and started hurling bombs followed by
>>opening of fire. A few policemen sustained splinter injuries. To control
>>the situation, police initially fired rubber bullets, but this, again,
>>yielded no results. Ultimately, the police had to open fire in
>>self-defence causing dispersal of the mob. This incident took place near
>>Bhangaberia bridge. Another police party also met with violent
>>resistance at Adhikaripara where heavy brick batting, bomb throwing took
>>place. As a result, some policemen were injured. In both the incidents,
>>12 policemen including Additional S.P, Tamluk and Assistant S.P.
>>(Probationer) received splinter injuries and injuries due to brick
>>batting. Serious and extensive injuries could be avoided as all the
>>policemen were in protective gear. However, a number of people were
>>injured in the police firing and it is believed that some of the
>>agitators were also injured by the bombs that they were hurling. Till
>>8.00 p.m on March 14, 2007, according to the report received at the
>>State Headquarters, 14 people died including some critically injured
>>people who succumbed to injuries. In addition, there were 63 injured
>>people of whom 29 were shifted to Tamluk district hospital for
>>treatment. 5 people were released after treatment to minor injuries and
>>the rest were still at Nandigarm Rural Hospital to receive treatment or
>>awaiting transfer to Tamluk Sub-divisional hospital. This is in addition
>>to the 12 policemen injured in the incident who received medical
>>attention separately.
>>
>>Following the above incidents, there was no further organized resistance
>>to the movement of the police party who were now able to move to
>>Sonachura and establish a temporary camp there. Police was also able to
>>reach a few other neighbouring villages. In course of police search, 8
>>illegal fire-arms were recovered which had probably been used against
>>the police party.
>>
>>There is high tension prevailing in the area but the situation is
>>currently under control. Police camps have been set up in the disturbed
>>area. Senior police officers are also camping and making efforts to
>>restore peace.
>>
>>
>>------
>>END
>>_________________________________________
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