[Reader-list] Myanmar Junta Unplugs Internet
Rana Dasgupta
rana at ranadasgupta.com
Thu Oct 4 07:06:46 IST 2007
from today's NYT.
R
Myanmar Junta Unplugs Internet
By SETH MYDANS
BANGKOK, Oct. 3 — It was about as simple and uncomplicated as shooting
demonstrators in the streets. Embarrassed by smuggled video and
photographs that showed their people rising up against them, the
generals who run Myanmar simply switched off the Internet.
Until Friday television screens and newspapers abroad were flooded with
scenes of tens of thousands of red-robed monks in the streets and of
chaos and violence as the junta stamped out the biggest popular uprising
there in two decades.
But then the images, text messages and postings stopped, shut down by
generals who belatedly grasped the power of the Internet to jeopardize
their crackdown.
“Finally they realized that this was their biggest enemy, and they took
it down,” said Aung Zaw, editor of an exile magazine based in Thailand
called The Irrawaddy, whose Web site has been a leading source of
information in recent weeks. The site has been attacked by a virus whose
timing raises the possibility that the military government has a few
skilled hackers in its ranks.
The efficiency of this latest, technological, crackdown raises the
question whether the vaunted role of the Internet in undermining
repression can stand up to a determined and ruthless government — or
whether Myanmar, already isolated from the world, can ride out a
prolonged shutdown more easily than most countries.
OpenNet Initiative, which tracks Internet censorship, has documented
signs that in recent years several governments — including those of
Belarus, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan — have closed off Internet access, or
at least opposition Web sites, during periods preceding elections or
times of intense protests.
The brief disruptions are known as “just in time” filtering, said Ronald
J. Deibert of OpenNet. They are designed to quiet opponents while
maintaining an appearance of technical difficulties, thus avoiding
criticism from abroad.
In 2005, King Gyanendra of Nepal ousted the government and imposed a
weeklong communications blackout. Facing massive protests, he ceded
control in 2006.
Myanmar has just two Internet service providers, and shutting them down
was not complicated, said David Mathieson, an expert on Myanmar with
Human Rights Watch. Along with the Internet, the junta cut off most
telephone access to the outside world. Soldiers on the streets
confiscated cameras and video-recording cellphones.
“The crackdown on the media and on information flow is parallel to the
physical crackdown,” he said. “It seems they’ve done it quite
effectively. Since Friday we’ve seen no new images come out.”
In keeping with the country’s self-imposed isolation over the past
half-century, Myanmar’s military seemed prepared to cut the country off
from the virtual world just as it had from the world at large. Web
access has not been restored, and there is no way to know if or when it
might be.
At the same time, the junta turned to the oldest tactic of all to
silence opposition: fear. Local journalists and people caught
transmitting information or using cameras are being threatened and
arrested, according to Burmese exile groups.
In a final, hurried telephone call, Mr. Aung Zaw said, one of his
longtime sources said goodbye.
“We have done enough,” he said the source told him. “We can no longer
move around. It is over to you — we cannot do anything anymore. We are
down. We are hunted by soldiers — we are down.”
There are still images to come, Mr. Aung Zaw said, and as soon as he
receives them and his Web site is back up, the world will see them.
But Mr. Mathieson said the country’s dissidents were reverting to
tactics of the past, smuggling images out through cellphones, breaking
the files down for reassembly later.
It is not clear how much longer the generals can hold back the future.
Technology is making it harder for dictators and juntas to draw a
curtain of secrecy.
“There are always ways people find of getting information out, and
authorities always have to struggle with them,” said Mitchell Stephens,
a professor of journalism at New York University and the author of “A
History of News.”
“There are fewer and fewer events that we don’t have film images of: the
world is filled with Zapruders,” he said, referring to Abraham Zapruder,
the onlooker who recorded the assassination of President John F. Kennedy
in 1963.
Before Friday’s blackout, Myanmar’s hit-and-run journalists were staging
a virtuoso demonstration of the power of the Internet to outmaneuver a
repressive government. A guerrilla army of citizen reporters was
smuggling out pictures even as events were unfolding, and the world was
watching.
“For those of us who study the history of communication technology, this
is of equal importance to the telegraph, which was the first medium that
separated communications and transportation,” said Frank A. Moretti,
executive director of the Center for New Media Teaching and Learning at
Columbia University.
Since the protests began in mid-August, people have sent images and
words through SMS text messages and e-mail and on daily blogs, according
to some exile groups that received the messages. They have posted
notices on Facebook, the social networking Web site. They have sent tiny
messages on e-cards. They have updated the online encyclopedia Wikipedia.
They also used Internet versions of “pigeons” — the couriers that
reporters used in the past to carry out film and reports — handing their
material to embassies or nongovernment organizations with satellite
connections.
Within hours, the images and reports were broadcast back into Myanmar by
foreign radio and television stations, informing and connecting a public
that hears only propaganda from its government.
These technological tricks may offer a model to people elsewhere who are
trying to outwit repressive governments. But the generals’ heavy-handed
response is probably a less useful model.
Nations with larger economies and more ties to the outside world have
more at stake. China, for one, could not consider cutting itself off as
Myanmar has done, and so control of the Internet is an industry in itself.
“In China, it’s massive,” said Xiao Qiang, director of the China
Internet Project and an adjunct professor at the graduate school of
journalism at the University of California, Berkeley.
“There’s surveillance and intimidation, there’s legal regulation and
there is commercial leverage to force private Internet companies to
self-censor,” he said. “And there is what we call the Great Firewall,
which blocks hundreds of thousands of Web sites outside of China.”
Yet for all its efforts, even China cannot entirely control the
Internet, an easier task in a smaller country like Myanmar.
As technology makes everyone a potential reporter, the challenge in
risky places like Myanmar will be accuracy, said Vincent Brossel, head
of the Asian section of the press freedom organization Reporters Without
Borders.
“Rumors are the worst enemy of independent journalism,” he said.
“Already we are hearing so many strange things. So if you have no flow
of information and the spread of rumors in a country that is using
propaganda — that’s it. You are destroying the story, and day by day it
goes down.”
The technological advances on the streets of Myanmar are the latest in a
long history of revolutions in the transmission of news — from the
sailing ship to the telegraph to international telephone lines and the
telex machine to computers and satellite telephones.
“Today every citizen is a war correspondent,” said Phillip Knightley,
author of “The First Casualty,” a classic history of war reporting that
starts with letters home from soldiers in Crimea in the 1850s and ends
with the “living room war” in Vietnam in the 1970s, the first war that
people could watch on television.
“Mobile phones with video of broadcast quality have made it possible for
anyone to report a war,” he said in an e-mail interview. “You just have
to be there. No trouble getting a start: the broadcasters have been
begging viewers to send their stuff.”
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