[Reader-list] Thinking Through Figures on Internal Displacement from Kashmir

[we wi]

Inder,
 
       Well If I say JAI HIND whose slogan is that.  We dont ask some alien foreigner to say JAI HIND and expect to do so even(I hope there is no ambiguity in this).  
 
    Now the question is why don't you do the same thing(experience/feel the response) in a mosque as you did it on a HINDU idol.  Dont be dubious about there is void INSIDE(you and the mosque as well).  CONCENTRATE well for a reply. 
 
 
Dhatri.

--- On Sun, 11/2/08, inder salim <indersalim at gmail.com> wrote:

From: inder salim <indersalim at gmail.com>
Subject: Re: [Reader-list] Thinking Through Figures on Internal Displacement from Kashmir
To: reader-list at sarai.net
Date: Sunday, November 2, 2008, 4:14 PM

well, dear pawan
 how a North indian ( like you) can join Raj's Jai Mahrashtra slogan,
it is beyond my comprehension.

why mosque comes to your mind as and when you talk about Temple. how
is your subconscious working, you might find an answer.

how  my nidity hits you below the belt,  i dont understand. Hindu
gods were always confortable with that. it is necessary, to say
Female, as and when we say Male, Nudity is not always happening
against the factor called ' garment' . it has some innocene involved
int it, for example when we were born. there is no reference of any
past which has nudity as part of mosque culture. so wherefrom this
question?

well, i have my own understanding of violence, and i believe our
intolerance towards the other is the core reason.

we all are victims at one point or the other, but how to join
mobocracy is beyond my understanding of discourses on any subject.

i am talking to you becasue you are in discourse on the List,

and the moment you will throw stones on others, you will become a
petty instrument of those who work from above and motivate the workers
to act, the paid or unintelligent activits.

you need to know that you are using words, like we, which are ambigous
most of times,  and so there is always scope for humour, wit, and
profoundity at the same time.

lot of love
and regards
is

p.s. if you are  still angry with me, please wrtie back to me outside
the list, i will be happy to respond back, we can spare others from
all this

On Sun, Nov 2, 2008 at 12:39 PM, Pawan Durani <pawan.durani at gmail.com>
wrote:
> IInder,
>
> till date i have not got a reply ohn when you would get yourslef
> photographed in the Mosque premesis like you got one done in Martand
Temple.
>
> Pawan
>
>
> On 11/1/08, inder salim <indersalim at gmail.com> wrote:
>>
>> dear Pawan,
>>
>> Vafadari bashart-e ustuvari, asl-e imaan hai
>> Mare buut khane mein, to kabe mein gard do Brahman ko ( Ghalib )
>>
>> Condition of realization of 'belief' is faithfulness with a
deep
>> commitment.
>> And if the Brahman dies in the temple of  idols, bury him  the Kabba.
>> #
>> Commentary: I asked my professor, he said, the belief  ( Imaan ) here,
>> is not about Religion, but about universal human values, such as
>> Love…. and if the idol worshipper, the Brahmin, dies in a temple of
>> idols, then dig a pit in kabba and drop him there. Well, Ghalib never
>> bothered to perform Haj, and as inheritor of deep Indian Sufi
>> traditions of erstwhile Sufi Saints and poets, he, therefore, must
>> have found Hajis no better than Brahmins. ( just an interpretation
>>
>> well, if  you can please convey the below mentioned  couplet to Jai
>> Maharashtrawalla,, Jai Bals, Jai, Rajs and Ji Bharat lovers. here it
>> is again
>>
>> BAITHA HAI JO KI SAYAH -DIVAR-E- YAR MEIN
>> FARMAN-RAVAE KISHVAR-E- HINDUSTAN HAI ( Ghalib )
>>
>> HE, WHO GETS TO SIT IN THE SHADOW OF THE WALL OF THE BELOVED'S
HOME,
>> IS INDEED THE EXALTED RULER OF INDIA
>>
>>
>> without malice towards one and all
>>
>> is
>>
>> On Sat, Nov 1, 2008 at 2:11 PM, Pawan Durani
<pawan.durani at gmail.com>
>> wrote:
>> > Dear Shuddha,
>> >
>> > It is a disaster for any nation to have a person like you as a
citizen .
>> >
>> > Kashmiri Pandits have not stopped any other displaced community
from
>> > raising
>> > their voices.
>> >
>> > Since , we Kashmiri Pandits have been victimised , it is but
natural for
>> > us
>> > to raise our voice for our rights. Once we get our rights, then
only we
>> > can
>> > support others.
>> >
>> > Mind it , we are fighting for ourselves and it is a unpaid job,
unlike
>> > some
>> > surrogates who act proxy for secessionists in Kashmir and support
their
>> > cause by trying to create an opinion.
>> >
>> > Also Shuddha , just shut up your lip service for Kashmiri
pandits. We
>> > know
>> > where you are coming from ! Don't play around with words.
>> >
>> > Your words , as always are manipulative with an agenda.......
dont play
>> > around and instead take a walk.
>> >
>> > I am sure this group by now knows your plans and agenda.
>> >
>> > And dont worry , till the killers of Kashmiri Pandits are not
hanged in
>> > the
>> > Tohar jail........Panun Kashmir and Roots In Kashmir would not
rest.
>> >
>> > We have to set an example , once for all. We have already
suffered 10
>> > migrations in 10 centuries.........
>> >
>> >
>> > Now ...no more........
>> >
>> >
>> > No need to be sad ...Shuiddha.....
>> >
>> >
>> > Pawan
>> >
>> > Jai Maharshtra - Jai Hind.
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> > On 10/29/08, Shuddhabrata Sengupta <shuddha at sarai.net>
wrote:
>> >>
>> >> Dear All,
>> >>
>> >> Apologies for what will be a lengthy posting. And those
driven to
>> >> exasperation (like me) by the repeated monopolization of this
list by
>> >> matters 'Kashmiri' may not want to read this. But,
those who are
>> >> interested in more general matters to do with the politics
and
>> >> rhetoric of the representation of victimhood, might.
>> >>
>> >> I have read with interest the ongoing discussion on the
plight of the
>> >> displaced Kashmiri Pandit community in India. I totally agree
with
>> >> Kirdar Singh's recent declaration of sympathy for the
displaced
>> >> Kashmiri Pandit community, and hope that an improvement in
conditions
>> >> on the ground in Kashmir and India will enable displaced
Kashmir
>> >> Pandits to return to their homes in safety and dignity. I
support the
>> >> implementation of whatever practical and fair measures that
can be
>> >> taken to ensure that this can happen.
>> >>
>> >> It needs to be recognized that there are significant voices
in
>> >> Kashmir that insist today (both within and outside the
movement for
>> >> liberation from occupation) that a future for Kashmir without
>> >> Kashmiri Pandits is not worth fighting for. Those who refuse
to
>> >> listen to, or acknowledge these voices, live in a denial of
their own
>> >> making.
>> >>
>> >> Having said that, I need to point out that a large number of
those
>> >> who speak for Kashmiri Pandits on this list and on other
public fora,
>> >> and the organizations that they represent, such as Panun
Kashmir and
>> >> Roots in Kashmir, are in my opinion, part of the problem, not
of the
>> >> solution. Their aggressive efforts to monopolize the public
space for
>> >> discussion of the displaced Kashmiri Pandit question is
obstructive
>> >> and loaded with a deeply divisive and communal agenda that
>> >> perpetuates a cycle of hate and prejudice.They are committed
to a
>> >> politics of confrontation and antagonism that makes it more,
not less
>> >> difficult for Kashmiri Pandits to return to the Kashmir
valley. They
>> >> are also more than willing to be used by right wing forces
such as
>> >> the BJP and other mainstream parties (including sections of
so called
>> >> secular parties such as the Congress) that want to keep the
so called
>> >> 'Kashmir question' alive as a means to blackmail
Indians and
>> >> Kashmiris into submission for the sake of their agenda of an
>> >> extractive and authoritarian state.
>> >>
>> >> In fact, it could well be said that they have a vested
interest in
>> >> the perpetuation of the pitiable state in which the majority
of
>> >> displaced Kashmir Pandits find themselves in today. As long
as
>> >> Kashmiri Pandits can be projected to the world as in a
permanent
>> >> status of victimhood and abjection, organizations like Panun
Kashmir
>> >> (all factions) and Roots in Kashmir, and their political
mentors will
>> >> continue to be in business. The repeated and monotonous
attempts by
>> >> these individuals and the organizations and networks they
represent
>> >> need to be seen in this light.
>> >>
>> >> While expressing our full sympathy with the plight of
displaced
>> >> Kashmiri Pandits, it is important at the same time not to
lose sight
>> >> of the fact that the displaced Kashmiri Pandits are one, and
only one
>> >> of the many displaced communities in India.
>> >>
>> >> Also, it is important to keep in mind that no other displaced
>> >> community in India has had as much attention bestowed upon it
as have
>> >> displaced Kashmiri Pandits. This does not mean that there
should be
>> >> less attention given to the genuine and legitimate problems
and
>> >> concerns of displaced Kashmiri Pandits, it only means the
>> >> monopolization of the discussion on internal displacement in
India by
>> >> the monotonous repetition of the woes of displaced Kashmiri
Pandits
>> >> does a great deal of violence to other communities that have
been
>> >> displaced. It also prevents an effective solidarity from
within
>> >> internally displaced communities on the question of
displacement. In
>> >> the long term, this can only be a disaster for the displaced
Kashmiri
>> >> Pandit community. It is a disaster for which organizations
such as
>> >> Panun Kashmir and Roots in Kashmir are responsible, and many
sensible
>> >> displaced and other Kashmiri Pandits are beginning to see
through
>> >> this game today. Hopefully, it is only a matter of time
before these
>> >> organizations are exposed and isolated from within the
displaced
>> >> Kashmiri Pandit communities that they currently hold in their
>> >> stranglehold.
>> >>
>> >> The current leadership of organizations such as Panun Kashmir
and
>> >> Roots in Kashmir, and their representatives on this list and
other
>> >> fora have displayed a degree of 'Kashmiri Pandit
exceptionalism' that
>> >> needs to be seen as deeply insensitive to the plight of all
>> >> internally displaced communities in India, and ultimately
damaging to
>> >> the constituency that they claim to represent. One would have
thought
>> >> that the experience of speaking for and on behalf of one
displaced
>> >> community (the Kashmiri Pandits) would have sensitized them
to the
>> >> predicaments of other communities that share their fate.
>> >> Unfortunately that is not the case, neither organizations
such as
>> >> Panun Kashmir and Roots in Kashmir, nor their sympathizers in
>> >> political parties such as the Bharatiya Janata Part and the
Shiv
>> >> Sena, nor their partisans in Hindutva outfits such as the
Rashtriya
>> >> Svayamsevak Sangh, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, the Bajrang
Dal, nor
>> >> indeed the many prominent writers and intellectuals such as
Arun
>> >> Shourie, Swapan Dasgupta, Sandhya Jain and others who have
commented
>> >> on the displacement of Kashmiri Pandits have ever thought it
>> >> necessary to make common cause with other displaced
communities.
>> >>
>> >> This means that as far as most of the above are concerned,
the plight
>> >> of displaced communities other than Kashmiri Pandits is of no
>> >> consequence. My concern with the displacement of Kashmiri
Pandits
>> >> stems from the predicament of their displacement, not because
they
>> >> are Kashmiri Pandits. This is what makes it necessary to view
their
>> >> displacement and abjectness in a way that is connected to the
>> >> displacement and abjection of the many other communities.
>> >>
>> >> We might consider also, that of all the internally displaced
>> >> communities in India, it is the displaced Kashmiri Pandits
who have
>> >> had the maximum political leverage extracted for them and on
their
>> >> behalf. This 'leverage' ranges from -
>> >>
>> >> a) special legislation to protect their rights to property
left
>> >> behind by them (J&K Migrants Immovable Property:
Preservation,
>> >> Protection and Restraint of Distress Sales Act, 1997)  to a
stay on
>> >> court cases and civil judicial processes involving displaced
Kashmiri
>> >> Pandits (J&K Migrants: Stay on Proceedings Act, 1997)
>> >>
>> >> to a series of
>> >>
>> >> b) administrative measures concerning health, housing,
education, ex-
>> >> gratia payments, stipends and employment enacted by central
as well
>> >> as state governments specifically with regard to displaced
people
>> >> from Jammu and Kashmir, the overwhelming majority of whom,
happen to
>> >> be displaced Kashmiri Pandits.
>> >>
>> >> In fact, the state government of Jammu and Kashmir had in
1997
>> >> constituted an Apex Level Comittee under the chairmanship of
the
>> >> Revenue, Relief and Rehabilitation Minister to look into all
aspects
>> >> of the problems of displaced Kashmiri Pandits and suggest
solutions.
>> >> A sub committee headed by the financial commissioner
(planning and
>> >> development) was constituted to prepare a plan for the return
of
>> >> migrants. This sub committee finalized an Action Plan for the
>> >> returnand rehabilitation of Kashmiri migrants involving a
total
>> >> amount of Rs. 2589.3 crores.
>> >>
>> >> In the interim, many special relief packages have been
announced from
>> >> time to time from the discretionary funds of the Prime
Minister for
>> >> the upgradation of assistance to displaced Kashmiri Pandits
living in
>> >> camps in Jammu and Delhi Even the defence ministry has on
occasion
>> >> released funds from its 'Security Related Expenses'
(SRE) fund for
>> >> the improvement of camp infrastructure.
>> >>
>> >> [for details of all of the above, see 'Government Relief
to Kashmiri
>> >> Pandits and their Rehabilitation' - Annexure 1, pgs 91 -
101, in
>> >> 'Kashmiri Pandits: Problems and Perspectives - A Dialogue
for Dignity
>> >> - Report  of the Conference on Kashmiri Pandits held at the
Observer
>> >> Research Foundation, New Delhi, 2003, published by Rupa &
Co. in
>> >> association with the Observer Research Foundation, Delhi,
2005]
>> >>
>> >> I am not for a moment suggesting that these measures are
adequate to
>> >> the needs of the displaced Kashmiri Pandit community. What I
am
>> >> however acutely mindful of is the fact that no other
internally
>> >> displaced community in India has had as much resources spent
on it,
>> >> as many special measures (legislative and executive) taken on
its
>> >> behalf and attracted as much media attention as displaced
Kashmiri
>> >> Pandits have had. Compared to the conditions in which other
>> >> internally displaced communities in India live, displaced
Kashmiri
>> >> Pandits are in a far more advantageous position. This ought
to have
>> >> made the most vocal amongst those who claim to be their
spokepersons
>> >> less aggressive, less narcissistic and more compassionate.
>> >> Unfortunately, that is not the case.
>> >>
>> >> Let us now turn to seeing exactly what the conditions of
other
>> >> internally displaced communities in India are like.
>> >>
>> >> I am going to quote extensively here from reports and facts
available
>> >> at the website of the Internal Displacement Monitoring
Centre, an
>> >> international rights group that concerns itself with the
situation of
>> >> internally displaced communities the world over.
Specifically, I am
>> >> looking at the webpage within this site that concerns
internal
>> >> displacement in India.
>> >>
>> >> see - <www.internal-displacement.org/countries/india>
>> >>
>> >> This is an excellent site, and is totally non-partisan. It
highlights
>> >> the plight of all internally-displaced communities, without
biases
>> >> and is a good place to get to know a balanced overall picture
of
>> >> internal displacement in India (as well as elsewhere)
>> >>
>> >> ON DISPLACEMENT FIGURES
>> >>
>> >> "The most common figure for the total number of
internally displaced
>> >> in India is 600,000. This figure comprises:
>> >>
>> >> · at least 250,000 people displaced from Kashmir (government
figure)
>> >> · 45,000 people who are still displaced along the Indian
side of the
>> >> Line of Control between India and Pakistan and cannot return
despite
>> >> the ceasefire
>> >> · 230,000 displaced in Assam due to the conflict between
Santhals and
>> >> Bodos during the 1990s
>> >> · 31,000 Reang displaced from Mizoram to Tripura
>> >> · 45,000 displaced in the state of Chhattisgarh due to
insurgency"
>> >>
>> >> (these figures at the moment do not include the large numbers
of
>> >> people displaced in the Kandhamal district of Orissa due to
the anti-
>> >> Christian violence there, of which the site has good reports
and
>> >> updates.)
>> >>
>> >> The site goes on to say -
>> >>
>> >> "These groups reside in camps and are therefore
relatively easy to
>> >> identify, but they constitute only part of the picture. The
number of
>> >> 600,000 does not include thousands of displaced in the
Karbi-Anglong
>> >> area of Assam and in Manipur where fighting between ethnic
groups and
>> >> counter-insurgency operations have displaced whole villages
during
>> >> the past few years. Many are displaced temporarily and are
able to
>> >> return after some weeks or months in displacement while an
>> >> undetermined number are still displaced and receive no
assistance. In
>> >> Tripura, as many as 100,000-300,000 people of Bengali origin
are
>> >> estimated to have been displaced for the same reasons during
the past
>> >> decade, but no information exists about the return or
continued
>> >> displacement of this group (AHRC, January 2007,
"Tripura"). In the
>> >> state of Chhattisgarh, it is assumed that thousands have
escaped the
>> >> conflict between the authorities and Maoist groups by
crossing over
>> >> to neighbouring states, and they too are not part of the
statistics.
>> >> Nor does the figure take in the flight of migrant workers, as
for
>> >> example in Assam in January 2007 when Biharis were forced to
leave in
>> >> a matter of days due to threats and killings by local
insurgents. The
>> >> current estimate should therefore be seen as representing the
camp
>> >> population only and not those internally displaced who
largely live
>> >> unassisted with friends or relatives, or blend with other
slum
>> >> residents on the outskirts of the urban areas.
>> >>
>> >> It is therefore fair to assume that the total number of
displaced is
>> >> far higher than the figure of 600,000, although it is not
possible to
>> >> give a global estimate."
>> >>
>> >> ON RELIEF CAMPS
>> >>
>> >> "The relief camps for internally displaced in the
North-East are
>> >> reportedly in a deplorable condition. Camps for the displaced
across
>> >> the region are said to lack adequate shelter, food, health
care,
>> >> education and protection. This pattern has been confirmed by
earlier
>> >> reports which have documented that displaced throughout the
North-
>> >> East face severe hardship. Many of them live in public
buildings and
>> >> makeshift shelters, with little health care and no access to
formal
>> >> education (SAHRDC, March 2001). Both in Assam and in Tripura,
acute
>> >> food shortages and lack of health care leave internally
displaced in
>> >> acute hardship (MCRG, December 2006; AHRC, January 2007,
p.136). The
>> >> state governments say they have no money to provide relief to
the
>> >> displaced population and that they depend on support from the
central
>> >> government. Furthermore, thousands of those displaced by
local
>> >> insurgent groups in the state are reported to have received
no relief
>> >> at all, and are camping alongside roads in makeshift houses
seven
>> >> years after having been displaced (Deccan Herald, 22 May
2005). In
>> >> Assam, it has been documented that the relief camps in the
region are
>> >> a major recruitment ground for trafficking of women to other
places
>> >> in India (BBC, 10 April 2007; IRIN, 17 May 2006).
>> >>
>> >> The same situation is reported from other relief camps for
internally
>> >> displaced in India. In Chhattisgarh, several reports have
documented
>> >> that the relief camps offer neither adequate assistance, nor
>> >> protection to the internally displaced. In Gujarat, there are
reports
>> >> of immense trauma among children and women who witnessed
atrocities
>> >> or were victims of the 2002 riots (IIJ, December 2003, pp.64,
67;
>> >> HRW, July 2003). Also, the displaced Muslim population faces
acute
>> >> poverty as their livelihoods were largely destroyed during
the riots.
>> >> Continued discrimination has left most of them unemployed,
with
>> >> female-headed households being particularly vulnerable. The
relief
>> >> camps have inadequate basic amenities such as potable water,
sanitary
>> >> facilities, schools and primary healthcare centres (AHRC, 10
January
>> >> 2007, pp. 19-20; Bisht, 16 January 2007; AI, January 2005,
7.6.c;
>> >> IIJ, December 2003). "
>> >>
>> >> ON INDIAN GOVERNMENTS POLICIES REGARDING IDPs
>> >>
>> >> "The Indian government has repeatedly expressed
reservations in
>> >> international fora about the UN Guiding Principles on
Internal
>> >> Displacement, which it sees as infringing its national
sovereignty.
>> >> India has no national IDP policy targeting conflict-induced
IDPs, and
>> >> the responsibility for IDP assistance and protection is
frequently
>> >> delegated to the state governments. Furthermore, although it
is well
>> >> documented that Indian military, paramilitary and police
forces have
>> >> engaged in serious human rights abuses in conflict zones,
there have
>> >> been no attempts at transparent investigations or
prosecutions of
>> >> those responsible (HRW, 12 September, 2006)."
>> >>
>> >> ON AD HOC AND DISCRIMINATORY TREATMENT REGARDING DIFFERENT
IDP
>> >> POPULATIONS
>> >>
>> >> "Although the Indian government provides support to
conflict-affected
>> >> populations, such assistance is mostly ad hoc and does not
correspond
>> >> to the needs of the displaced. State governments are assigned
the
>> >> main responsibility to assist and rehabilitate the displaced,
but
>> >> practices vary significantly from state to state (Nath,
January 2005,
>> >> p.68).
>> >>
>> >> The Indian government has been accused of discriminatory
treatment of
>> >> internally displaced because the displaced Kashmiri Pandit
population
>> >> overall receives much more support than displaced communities
>> >> elsewhere in the country (NNHR, 19 February 2007)."
>> >>
>> >> The Indian government has been accused of failing to adhere
to the UN
>> >> Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement and other
international
>> >> human rights standards in its response to displacement in
Kashmir and
>> >> Gujarat (AI, January 2005; HRW July 2003, p.38; ORF,
September 2003).
>> >> One survey conducted among different displaced communities in
India
>> >> reveals that over 55 per cent of the internally displaced do
not
>> >> receive any support at all and only 13 per cent receive any
>> >> assistance from the authorities. The report also reveals that
more
>> >> than 70 percent of the surveyed population believe that
return will
>> >> be impossible, a fact that underlines the need for the
government to
>> >> work out sustainable solutions (MCRG, December 2006, p. 16).
In
>> >> Gujarat, human rights organisations blame local authorities
as well
>> >> as the state government for failing to address the needs of
the
>> >> displaced altogether, despite promises made by the government
with
>> >> regard to rehabilitation (IIJ, December 2003; HRW, July
2003).
>> >>
>> >> INTERNAL DISPLACEMENT DUE TO DEVELOPMENT
>> >>
>> >> "Available reports indicate that more than 21 million
people are
>> >> internally displaced due to development projects in India.
Although
>> >> the tribal population only make up eight percent of the total
>> >> population, more than 50 per cent of the development induced
>> >> displaced are tribal peoples – in India also known as
Scheduled
>> >> Tribes or Adivasis (HRW, January 2006). Ongoing research
indicate
>> >> that between 1945-2000 the number of displaced who did not
receive
>> >> rehabilitation could be as high as 50-60 million
people."
>> >>
>> >> Clearly, all of the above indicates that the problem of
displaced
>> >> Kashmiri Pandits in India needs to be seen within a larger
>> >> perspective. And when we take that perspective into account
we
>> >> realize that displaced Kashmiri Pandits constitute what might
be
>> >> called the 'creamy layer' (by virtue of the
disproportionate amount
>> >> of resources and attention that they obtain) of the overall
situation
>> >> of internal displacement in India.
>> >>
>> >> Finally, a brief note on the extinction of cultures and human
>> >> populations, a question that has been raised by Kshmendra
Kaul in one
>> >> of his recent postings. I fully agree with Kshmendra, we need
to pay
>> >> careful attention to the problem of cultural extinction. But
even
>> >> from that point of view, the situation of
>> >>
>> >> According to census figures, Kashmiri Pandits constituted 15
% of the
>> >> Valley's population in 1941. This came down to 5 % by
1981 and 0.1 %
>> >> by around 2003. While a significant proportion of the
decrease of 4.9
>> >> % (registered between 1981 and today) can be attributable to
the
>> >> political conditions pertaining since 1989-90 (the years that
Pandits
>> >> say there were targetted and forced to leave), to what can we
>> >> attribute the 10 % decline (from 15 % to 5 %) in the Kashmiri
Pandit
>> >> population in the Kashmir valley between 1941 and 1981?
>> >>
>> >> In those forty years, India's writ ran unchallenged in
the part of
>> >> Kashmir held by India,  and the Kashmiri Pandit elite was
very much
>> >> part of the governing equation, both in the Kashmir valley,
as well
>> >> as in India. Clearly, a significant section from within the
Kashmiri
>> >> Pandit population (which was highly educated and considerably
>> >> affluent) did not, in those forty years care as much for the
>> >> retention of its cultural ethos in the Kashmir valley as much
as it
>> >> did for the betterment of the material prospects of members
of the
>> >> Kashmiri Pandit community in metropolitan India and
elsewhere.
>> >>
>> >> In other words, while I totally agree with Kshmendra that we
are all
>> >> diminished when a community as culturally and intellectually
vibrant
>> >> as the Kashmiri Pandits find themselves virtually effaced
from their
>> >> homeland, I do at the same time think that this condition
requires
>> >> Kashmiri Pandits today to do some soul searching as to why
they were
>> >> so eager to abandon the Kashmir valley in the years between
1947 and
>> >> 1989. Had they stayed on, or retained an interest in the way
in which
>> >> the valley was systematically misgoverned, under the aegis of
the
>> >> Indian occupation, then perhaps conditions might indeed have
been
>> >> different. '
>> >>
>> >> I still think that there is hope, no sensible person in
Kashmir (no
>> >> matter what their politics or affiliation)  for a single
moment
>> >> refuses to recognize that Kashmiri Pandits are part of the
cultural
>> >> mosaic of Kashmir. In countless conversations that I have had
my with
>> >> who stay in Kashmir, I have heard people state that they
yearn for
>> >> the return of all displaced Kashmiri Pandits because Kashmir
feels
>> >> incomplete without them. Perhaps a new generation of
displaced and
>> >> other Kashmiri Pandits will reciprocate (over the heads of
Panun
>> >> Kashmir and Roots in Kashmir) and re-engage with what is
going on in
>> >> Kashmir in a spirit of solidarity. For this to happen, there
needs to
>> >> be a recognition of the difficulties that everyone in Kashmir
has
>> >> faced in the last sixty odd years, and a reversal of the
cultural,
>> >> political and demographic abandonment of Kashmir by a section
of the
>> >> Kashmiri Pandit elite that began, not in 1989, but much
earlier.
>> >>
>> >> I hope that this helps us clarify the terms on which the
discussion
>> >> on internal displacement, and the internally displaced
Kashmiri
>> >> Pandits, and the politics of perpetual victimhood can ensure,
and I
>> >> hope that the exploitation of a vulgar quantification of pain
and
>> >> oppression, which I personally find deeply distasteful, may
cease on
>> >> this list. We do not need to prove to each other how much
worse off
>> >> we are in our individual capacities in order to develop an
argument
>> >> against oppression.
>> >>
>> >> regards,
>> >>
>> >> Shuddha
>> >>
>> >>
>> >>
>> >>
>> >>
>> >>
>> >> _________________________________________
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>>
>>
>> --
>>
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