[Reader-list] Thinking Through Figures on Internal Displacement from Kashmir

[Aditya Raj Kaul]

Dear Dhatri,

It takes great pride and clear conscience to say 'Jai Hind'. People like
Inder Salim will only say, 'Jai Yasin Malik', 'Jai Communalism' and 'Jai
Islamic Terrorism'.

Please note he still hasn't answered Pawan's question. It surely takes
guts.  Everything is self-explanatory.

Jai Hind. Jai Panun Kashmir.
Aditya Raj Kaul

On 11/2/08, we wi <dhatr1i at yahoo.com> wrote:
>
> Inder,
>
>         Well If I say JAI HIND whose slogan is that.  We dont ask some
> alien foreigner to say JAI HIND and expect to do so even(I hope there is no
> ambiguity in this).
>
>      Now the question is why don't you do the same thing(experience/feel
> the response) in a mosque as you did it on a HINDU idol.  Dont be dubious
> about there is void INSIDE(you and the mosque as well).  CONCENTRATE well
> for a reply.
>
>
> Dhatri.
>
> --- On Sun, 11/2/08, inder salim <indersalim at gmail.com> wrote:
>
> From: inder salim <indersalim at gmail.com>
> Subject: Re: [Reader-list] Thinking Through Figures on Internal
> Displacement from Kashmir
> To: reader-list at sarai.net
> Date: Sunday, November 2, 2008, 4:14 PM
>
>
> well, dear pawan
>   how a North indian ( like you) can join Raj's Jai Mahrashtra slogan,
> it is beyond my comprehension.
>
> why mosque comes to your mind as and when you talk about Temple. how
> is your subconscious working, you might find an answer.
>
> how  my nidity hits you below the belt,  i dont understand. Hindu
> gods were always confortable with that. it is necessary, to say
> Female, as and when we say Male, Nudity is not always happening
> against the factor called ' garment' . it has some innocene involved
> int it, for example when we were born. there is no reference of any
> past which has nudity as part of mosque culture. so wherefrom this
> question?
>
> well, i have my own understanding of violence, and i believe our
> intolerance towards the other is the core reason.
>
> we all are victims at one point or the other, but how to join
> mobocracy is beyond my understanding of discourses on any subject.
>
> i am talking to you becasue you are in discourse on the List,
>
> and the moment you will throw stones on others, you will become a
> petty instrument of those who work from above and motivate the workers
> to act, the paid or unintelligent activits.
>
> you need to know that you are using words, like we, which are ambigous
> most of times,  and so there is always scope for humour, wit, and
> profoundity at the same time.
>
> lot of love
> and regards
> is
>
> p.s. if you are  still angry with me, please wrtie back to me outside
> the list, i will be happy to respond back, we can spare others from
> all this
>
> On Sun, Nov 2, 2008 at 12:39 PM, Pawan Durani <pawan.durani at gmail.com>
> wrote:
> > IInder,
> >
> > till date i have not got a reply ohn when you would get yourslef
> > photographed in the Mosque premesis like you got one done in Martand
> Temple.
> >
> > Pawan
> >
> >
> > On 11/1/08, inder salim <indersalim at gmail.com> wrote:
> >>
> >> dear Pawan,
> >>
> >> Vafadari bashart-e ustuvari, asl-e imaan hai
> >> Mare buut khane mein, to kabe mein gard do Brahman ko ( Ghalib )
> >>
> >> Condition of realization of 'belief' is faithfulness with a
> deep
> >> commitment.
> >> And if the Brahman dies in the temple of  idols, bury him  the Kabba.
> >> #
> >> Commentary: I asked my professor, he said, the belief  ( Imaan ) here,
> >> is not about Religion, but about universal human values, such as
> >> Love…. and if the idol worshipper, the Brahmin, dies in a temple of
> >> idols, then dig a pit in kabba and drop him there. Well, Ghalib never
> >> bothered to perform Haj, and as inheritor of deep Indian Sufi
> >> traditions of erstwhile Sufi Saints and poets, he, therefore, must
> >> have found Hajis no better than Brahmins. ( just an interpretation
> >>
> >> well, if  you can please convey the below mentioned  couplet to Jai
> >> Maharashtrawalla,, Jai Bals, Jai, Rajs and Ji Bharat lovers. here it
> >> is again
> >>
> >> BAITHA HAI JO KI SAYAH -DIVAR-E- YAR MEIN
> >> FARMAN-RAVAE KISHVAR-E- HINDUSTAN HAI ( Ghalib )
> >>
> >> HE, WHO GETS TO SIT IN THE SHADOW OF THE WALL OF THE BELOVED'S
> HOME,
> >> IS INDEED THE EXALTED RULER OF INDIA
> >>
> >>
> >> without malice towards one and all
> >>
> >> is
> >>
> >> On Sat, Nov 1, 2008 at 2:11 PM, Pawan Durani
> <pawan.durani at gmail.com>
> >> wrote:
> >> > Dear Shuddha,
> >> >
> >> > It is a disaster for any nation to have a person like you as a
> citizen .
> >> >
> >> > Kashmiri Pandits have not stopped any other displaced community
> from
> >> > raising
> >> > their voices.
> >> >
> >> > Since , we Kashmiri Pandits have been victimised , it is but
> natural for
> >> > us
> >> > to raise our voice for our rights. Once we get our rights, then
> only we
> >> > can
> >> > support others.
> >> >
> >> > Mind it , we are fighting for ourselves and it is a unpaid job,
> unlike
> >> > some
> >> > surrogates who act proxy for secessionists in Kashmir and support
> their
> >> > cause by trying to create an opinion.
> >> >
> >> > Also Shuddha , just shut up your lip service for Kashmiri
> pandits. We
> >> > know
> >> > where you are coming from ! Don't play around with words.
> >> >
> >> > Your words , as always are manipulative with an agenda.......
> dont play
> >> > around and instead take a walk.
> >> >
> >> > I am sure this group by now knows your plans and agenda.
> >> >
> >> > And dont worry , till the killers of Kashmiri Pandits are not
> hanged in
> >> > the
> >> > Tohar jail........Panun Kashmir and Roots In Kashmir would not
> rest.
> >> >
> >> > We have to set an example , once for all. We have already
> suffered 10
> >> > migrations in 10 centuries.........
> >> >
> >> >
> >> > Now ...no more........
> >> >
> >> >
> >> > No need to be sad ...Shuiddha.....
> >> >
> >> >
> >> > Pawan
> >> >
> >> > Jai Maharshtra - Jai Hind.
> >> >
> >> >
> >> >
> >> >
> >> > On 10/29/08, Shuddhabrata Sengupta <shuddha at sarai.net>
> wrote:
> >> >>
> >> >> Dear All,
> >> >>
> >> >> Apologies for what will be a lengthy posting. And those
> driven to
> >> >> exasperation (like me) by the repeated monopolization of this
> list by
> >> >> matters 'Kashmiri' may not want to read this. But,
> those who are
> >> >> interested in more general matters to do with the politics
> and
> >> >> rhetoric of the representation of victimhood, might.
> >> >>
> >> >> I have read with interest the ongoing discussion on the
> plight of the
> >> >> displaced Kashmiri Pandit community in India. I totally agree
> with
> >> >> Kirdar Singh's recent declaration of sympathy for the
> displaced
> >> >> Kashmiri Pandit community, and hope that an improvement in
> conditions
> >> >> on the ground in Kashmir and India will enable displaced
> Kashmir
> >> >> Pandits to return to their homes in safety and dignity. I
> support the
> >> >> implementation of whatever practical and fair measures that
> can be
> >> >> taken to ensure that this can happen.
> >> >>
> >> >> It needs to be recognized that there are significant voices
> in
> >> >> Kashmir that insist today (both within and outside the
> movement for
> >> >> liberation from occupation) that a future for Kashmir without
> >> >> Kashmiri Pandits is not worth fighting for. Those who refuse
> to
> >> >> listen to, or acknowledge these voices, live in a denial of
> their own
> >> >> making.
> >> >>
> >> >> Having said that, I need to point out that a large number of
> those
> >> >> who speak for Kashmiri Pandits on this list and on other
> public fora,
> >> >> and the organizations that they represent, such as Panun
> Kashmir and
> >> >> Roots in Kashmir, are in my opinion, part of the problem, not
> of the
> >> >> solution. Their aggressive efforts to monopolize the public
> space for
> >> >> discussion of the displaced Kashmiri Pandit question is
> obstructive
> >> >> and loaded with a deeply divisive and communal agenda that
> >> >> perpetuates a cycle of hate and prejudice.They are committed
> to a
> >> >> politics of confrontation and antagonism that makes it more,
> not less
> >> >> difficult for Kashmiri Pandits to return to the Kashmir
> valley. They
> >> >> are also more than willing to be used by right wing forces
> such as
> >> >> the BJP and other mainstream parties (including sections of
> so called
> >> >> secular parties such as the Congress) that want to keep the
> so called
> >> >> 'Kashmir question' alive as a means to blackmail
> Indians and
> >> >> Kashmiris into submission for the sake of their agenda of an
> >> >> extractive and authoritarian state.
> >> >>
> >> >> In fact, it could well be said that they have a vested
> interest in
> >> >> the perpetuation of the pitiable state in which the majority
> of
> >> >> displaced Kashmir Pandits find themselves in today. As long
> as
> >> >> Kashmiri Pandits can be projected to the world as in a
> permanent
> >> >> status of victimhood and abjection, organizations like Panun
> Kashmir
> >> >> (all factions) and Roots in Kashmir, and their political
> mentors will
> >> >> continue to be in business. The repeated and monotonous
> attempts by
> >> >> these individuals and the organizations and networks they
> represent
> >> >> need to be seen in this light.
> >> >>
> >> >> While expressing our full sympathy with the plight of
> displaced
> >> >> Kashmiri Pandits, it is important at the same time not to
> lose sight
> >> >> of the fact that the displaced Kashmiri Pandits are one, and
> only one
> >> >> of the many displaced communities in India.
> >> >>
> >> >> Also, it is important to keep in mind that no other displaced
> >> >> community in India has had as much attention bestowed upon it
> as have
> >> >> displaced Kashmiri Pandits. This does not mean that there
> should be
> >> >> less attention given to the genuine and legitimate problems
> and
> >> >> concerns of displaced Kashmiri Pandits, it only means the
> >> >> monopolization of the discussion on internal displacement in
> India by
> >> >> the monotonous repetition of the woes of displaced Kashmiri
> Pandits
> >> >> does a great deal of violence to other communities that have
> been
> >> >> displaced. It also prevents an effective solidarity from
> within
> >> >> internally displaced communities on the question of
> displacement. In
> >> >> the long term, this can only be a disaster for the displaced
> Kashmiri
> >> >> Pandit community. It is a disaster for which organizations
> such as
> >> >> Panun Kashmir and Roots in Kashmir are responsible, and many
> sensible
> >> >> displaced and other Kashmiri Pandits are beginning to see
> through
> >> >> this game today. Hopefully, it is only a matter of time
> before these
> >> >> organizations are exposed and isolated from within the
> displaced
> >> >> Kashmiri Pandit communities that they currently hold in their
> >> >> stranglehold.
> >> >>
> >> >> The current leadership of organizations such as Panun Kashmir
> and
> >> >> Roots in Kashmir, and their representatives on this list and
> other
> >> >> fora have displayed a degree of 'Kashmiri Pandit
> exceptionalism' that
> >> >> needs to be seen as deeply insensitive to the plight of all
> >> >> internally displaced communities in India, and ultimately
> damaging to
> >> >> the constituency that they claim to represent. One would have
> thought
> >> >> that the experience of speaking for and on behalf of one
> displaced
> >> >> community (the Kashmiri Pandits) would have sensitized them
> to the
> >> >> predicaments of other communities that share their fate.
> >> >> Unfortunately that is not the case, neither organizations
> such as
> >> >> Panun Kashmir and Roots in Kashmir, nor their sympathizers in
> >> >> political parties such as the Bharatiya Janata Part and the
> Shiv
> >> >> Sena, nor their partisans in Hindutva outfits such as the
> Rashtriya
> >> >> Svayamsevak Sangh, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, the Bajrang
> Dal, nor
> >> >> indeed the many prominent writers and intellectuals such as
> Arun
> >> >> Shourie, Swapan Dasgupta, Sandhya Jain and others who have
> commented
> >> >> on the displacement of Kashmiri Pandits have ever thought it
> >> >> necessary to make common cause with other displaced
> communities.
> >> >>
> >> >> This means that as far as most of the above are concerned,
> the plight
> >> >> of displaced communities other than Kashmiri Pandits is of no
> >> >> consequence. My concern with the displacement of Kashmiri
> Pandits
> >> >> stems from the predicament of their displacement, not because
> they
> >> >> are Kashmiri Pandits. This is what makes it necessary to view
> their
> >> >> displacement and abjectness in a way that is connected to the
> >> >> displacement and abjection of the many other communities.
> >> >>
> >> >> We might consider also, that of all the internally displaced
> >> >> communities in India, it is the displaced Kashmiri Pandits
> who have
> >> >> had the maximum political leverage extracted for them and on
> their
> >> >> behalf. This 'leverage' ranges from -
> >> >>
> >> >> a) special legislation to protect their rights to property
> left
> >> >> behind by them (J&K Migrants Immovable Property:
> Preservation,
> >> >> Protection and Restraint of Distress Sales Act, 1997)  to a
> stay on
> >> >> court cases and civil judicial processes involving displaced
> Kashmiri
> >> >> Pandits (J&K Migrants: Stay on Proceedings Act, 1997)
> >> >>
> >> >> to a series of
> >> >>
> >> >> b) administrative measures concerning health, housing,
> education, ex-
> >> >> gratia payments, stipends and employment enacted by central
> as well
> >> >> as state governments specifically with regard to displaced
> people
> >> >> from Jammu and Kashmir, the overwhelming majority of whom,
> happen to
> >> >> be displaced Kashmiri Pandits.
> >> >>
> >> >> In fact, the state government of Jammu and Kashmir had in
> 1997
> >> >> constituted an Apex Level Comittee under the chairmanship of
> the
> >> >> Revenue, Relief and Rehabilitation Minister to look into all
> aspects
> >> >> of the problems of displaced Kashmiri Pandits and suggest
> solutions.
> >> >> A sub committee headed by the financial commissioner
> (planning and
> >> >> development) was constituted to prepare a plan for the return
> of
> >> >> migrants. This sub committee finalized an Action Plan for the
> >> >> returnand rehabilitation of Kashmiri migrants involving a
> total
> >> >> amount of Rs. 2589.3 crores.
> >> >>
> >> >> In the interim, many special relief packages have been
> announced from
> >> >> time to time from the discretionary funds of the Prime
> Minister for
> >> >> the upgradation of assistance to displaced Kashmiri Pandits
> living in
> >> >> camps in Jammu and Delhi Even the defence ministry has on
> occasion
> >> >> released funds from its 'Security Related Expenses'
> (SRE) fund for
> >> >> the improvement of camp infrastructure.
> >> >>
> >> >> [for details of all of the above, see 'Government Relief
> to Kashmiri
> >> >> Pandits and their Rehabilitation' - Annexure 1, pgs 91 -
> 101, in
> >> >> 'Kashmiri Pandits: Problems and Perspectives - A Dialogue
> for Dignity
> >> >> - Report  of the Conference on Kashmiri Pandits held at the
> Observer
> >> >> Research Foundation, New Delhi, 2003, published by Rupa &
> Co. in
> >> >> association with the Observer Research Foundation, Delhi,
> 2005]
> >> >>
> >> >> I am not for a moment suggesting that these measures are
> adequate to
> >> >> the needs of the displaced Kashmiri Pandit community. What I
> am
> >> >> however acutely mindful of is the fact that no other
> internally
> >> >> displaced community in India has had as much resources spent
> on it,
> >> >> as many special measures (legislative and executive) taken on
> its
> >> >> behalf and attracted as much media attention as displaced
> Kashmiri
> >> >> Pandits have had. Compared to the conditions in which other
> >> >> internally displaced communities in India live, displaced
> Kashmiri
> >> >> Pandits are in a far more advantageous position. This ought
> to have
> >> >> made the most vocal amongst those who claim to be their
> spokepersons
> >> >> less aggressive, less narcissistic and more compassionate.
> >> >> Unfortunately, that is not the case.
> >> >>
> >> >> Let us now turn to seeing exactly what the conditions of
> other
> >> >> internally displaced communities in India are like.
> >> >>
> >> >> I am going to quote extensively here from reports and facts
> available
> >> >> at the website of the Internal Displacement Monitoring
> Centre, an
> >> >> international rights group that concerns itself with the
> situation of
> >> >> internally displaced communities the world over.
> Specifically, I am
> >> >> looking at the webpage within this site that concerns
> internal
> >> >> displacement in India.
> >> >>
> >> >> see - <www.internal-displacement.org/countries/india>
> >> >>
> >> >> This is an excellent site, and is totally non-partisan. It
> highlights
> >> >> the plight of all internally-displaced communities, without
> biases
> >> >> and is a good place to get to know a balanced overall picture
> of
> >> >> internal displacement in India (as well as elsewhere)
> >> >>
> >> >> ON DISPLACEMENT FIGURES
> >> >>
> >> >> "The most common figure for the total number of
> internally displaced
> >> >> in India is 600,000. This figure comprises:
> >> >>
> >> >> · at least 250,000 people displaced from Kashmir (government
> figure)
> >> >> · 45,000 people who are still displaced along the Indian
> side of the
> >> >> Line of Control between India and Pakistan and cannot return
> despite
> >> >> the ceasefire
> >> >> · 230,000 displaced in Assam due to the conflict between
> Santhals and
> >> >> Bodos during the 1990s
> >> >> · 31,000 Reang displaced from Mizoram to Tripura
> >> >> · 45,000 displaced in the state of Chhattisgarh due to
> insurgency"
> >> >>
> >> >> (these figures at the moment do not include the large numbers
> of
> >> >> people displaced in the Kandhamal district of Orissa due to
> the anti-
> >> >> Christian violence there, of which the site has good reports
> and
> >> >> updates.)
> >> >>
> >> >> The site goes on to say -
> >> >>
> >> >> "These groups reside in camps and are therefore
> relatively easy to
> >> >> identify, but they constitute only part of the picture. The
> number of
> >> >> 600,000 does not include thousands of displaced in the
> Karbi-Anglong
> >> >> area of Assam and in Manipur where fighting between ethnic
> groups and
> >> >> counter-insurgency operations have displaced whole villages
> during
> >> >> the past few years. Many are displaced temporarily and are
> able to
> >> >> return after some weeks or months in displacement while an
> >> >> undetermined number are still displaced and receive no
> assistance. In
> >> >> Tripura, as many as 100,000-300,000 people of Bengali origin
> are
> >> >> estimated to have been displaced for the same reasons during
> the past
> >> >> decade, but no information exists about the return or
> continued
> >> >> displacement of this group (AHRC, January 2007,
> "Tripura"). In the
> >> >> state of Chhattisgarh, it is assumed that thousands have
> escaped the
> >> >> conflict between the authorities and Maoist groups by
> crossing over
> >> >> to neighbouring states, and they too are not part of the
> statistics.
> >> >> Nor does the figure take in the flight of migrant workers, as
> for
> >> >> example in Assam in January 2007 when Biharis were forced to
> leave in
> >> >> a matter of days due to threats and killings by local
> insurgents. The
> >> >> current estimate should therefore be seen as representing the
> camp
> >> >> population only and not those internally displaced who
> largely live
> >> >> unassisted with friends or relatives, or blend with other
> slum
> >> >> residents on the outskirts of the urban areas.
> >> >>
> >> >> It is therefore fair to assume that the total number of
> displaced is
> >> >> far higher than the figure of 600,000, although it is not
> possible to
> >> >> give a global estimate."
> >> >>
> >> >> ON RELIEF CAMPS
> >> >>
> >> >> "The relief camps for internally displaced in the
> North-East are
> >> >> reportedly in a deplorable condition. Camps for the displaced
> across
> >> >> the region are said to lack adequate shelter, food, health
> care,
> >> >> education and protection. This pattern has been confirmed by
> earlier
> >> >> reports which have documented that displaced throughout the
> North-
> >> >> East face severe hardship. Many of them live in public
> buildings and
> >> >> makeshift shelters, with little health care and no access to
> formal
> >> >> education (SAHRDC, March 2001). Both in Assam and in Tripura,
> acute
> >> >> food shortages and lack of health care leave internally
> displaced in
> >> >> acute hardship (MCRG, December 2006; AHRC, January 2007,
> p.136). The
> >> >> state governments say they have no money to provide relief to
> the
> >> >> displaced population and that they depend on support from the
> central
> >> >> government. Furthermore, thousands of those displaced by
> local
> >> >> insurgent groups in the state are reported to have received
> no relief
> >> >> at all, and are camping alongside roads in makeshift houses
> seven
> >> >> years after having been displaced (Deccan Herald, 22 May
> 2005). In
> >> >> Assam, it has been documented that the relief camps in the
> region are
> >> >> a major recruitment ground for trafficking of women to other
> places
> >> >> in India (BBC, 10 April 2007; IRIN, 17 May 2006).
> >> >>
> >> >> The same situation is reported from other relief camps for
> internally
> >> >> displaced in India. In Chhattisgarh, several reports have
> documented
> >> >> that the relief camps offer neither adequate assistance, nor
> >> >> protection to the internally displaced. In Gujarat, there are
> reports
> >> >> of immense trauma among children and women who witnessed
> atrocities
> >> >> or were victims of the 2002 riots (IIJ, December 2003, pp.64,
> 67;
> >> >> HRW, July 2003). Also, the displaced Muslim population faces
> acute
> >> >> poverty as their livelihoods were largely destroyed during
> the riots.
> >> >> Continued discrimination has left most of them unemployed,
> with
> >> >> female-headed households being particularly vulnerable. The
> relief
> >> >> camps have inadequate basic amenities such as potable water,
> sanitary
> >> >> facilities, schools and primary healthcare centres (AHRC, 10
> January
> >> >> 2007, pp. 19-20; Bisht, 16 January 2007; AI, January 2005,
> 7.6.c;
> >> >> IIJ, December 2003). "
> >> >>
> >> >> ON INDIAN GOVERNMENTS POLICIES REGARDING IDPs
> >> >>
> >> >> "The Indian government has repeatedly expressed
> reservations in
> >> >> international fora about the UN Guiding Principles on
> Internal
> >> >> Displacement, which it sees as infringing its national
> sovereignty.
> >> >> India has no national IDP policy targeting conflict-induced
> IDPs, and
> >> >> the responsibility for IDP assistance and protection is
> frequently
> >> >> delegated to the state governments. Furthermore, although it
> is well
> >> >> documented that Indian military, paramilitary and police
> forces have
> >> >> engaged in serious human rights abuses in conflict zones,
> there have
> >> >> been no attempts at transparent investigations or
> prosecutions of
> >> >> those responsible (HRW, 12 September, 2006)."
> >> >>
> >> >> ON AD HOC AND DISCRIMINATORY TREATMENT REGARDING DIFFERENT
> IDP
> >> >> POPULATIONS
> >> >>
> >> >> "Although the Indian government provides support to
> conflict-affected
> >> >> populations, such assistance is mostly ad hoc and does not
> correspond
> >> >> to the needs of the displaced. State governments are assigned
> the
> >> >> main responsibility to assist and rehabilitate the displaced,
> but
> >> >> practices vary significantly from state to state (Nath,
> January 2005,
> >> >> p.68).
> >> >>
> >> >> The Indian government has been accused of discriminatory
> treatment of
> >> >> internally displaced because the displaced Kashmiri Pandit
> population
> >> >> overall receives much more support than displaced communities
> >> >> elsewhere in the country (NNHR, 19 February 2007)."
> >> >>
> >> >> The Indian government has been accused of failing to adhere
> to the UN
> >> >> Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement and other
> international
> >> >> human rights standards in its response to displacement in
> Kashmir and
> >> >> Gujarat (AI, January 2005; HRW July 2003, p.38; ORF,
> September 2003).
> >> >> One survey conducted among different displaced communities in
> India
> >> >> reveals that over 55 per cent of the internally displaced do
> not
> >> >> receive any support at all and only 13 per cent receive any
> >> >> assistance from the authorities. The report also reveals that
> more
> >> >> than 70 percent of the surveyed population believe that
> return will
> >> >> be impossible, a fact that underlines the need for the
> government to
> >> >> work out sustainable solutions (MCRG, December 2006, p. 16).
> In
> >> >> Gujarat, human rights organisations blame local authorities
> as well
> >> >> as the state government for failing to address the needs of
> the
> >> >> displaced altogether, despite promises made by the government
> with
> >> >> regard to rehabilitation (IIJ, December 2003; HRW, July
> 2003).
> >> >>
> >> >> INTERNAL DISPLACEMENT DUE TO DEVELOPMENT
> >> >>
> >> >> "Available reports indicate that more than 21 million
> people are
> >> >> internally displaced due to development projects in India.
> Although
> >> >> the tribal population only make up eight percent of the total
> >> >> population, more than 50 per cent of the development induced
> >> >> displaced are tribal peoples – in India also known as
> Scheduled
> >> >> Tribes or Adivasis (HRW, January 2006). Ongoing research
> indicate
> >> >> that between 1945-2000 the number of displaced who did not
> receive
> >> >> rehabilitation could be as high as 50-60 million
> people."
> >> >>
> >> >> Clearly, all of the above indicates that the problem of
> displaced
> >> >> Kashmiri Pandits in India needs to be seen within a larger
> >> >> perspective. And when we take that perspective into account
> we
> >> >> realize that displaced Kashmiri Pandits constitute what might
> be
> >> >> called the 'creamy layer' (by virtue of the
> disproportionate amount
> >> >> of resources and attention that they obtain) of the overall
> situation
> >> >> of internal displacement in India.
> >> >>
> >> >> Finally, a brief note on the extinction of cultures and human
> >> >> populations, a question that has been raised by Kshmendra
> Kaul in one
> >> >> of his recent postings. I fully agree with Kshmendra, we need
> to pay
> >> >> careful attention to the problem of cultural extinction. But
> even
> >> >> from that point of view, the situation of
> >> >>
> >> >> According to census figures, Kashmiri Pandits constituted 15
> % of the
> >> >> Valley's population in 1941. This came down to 5 % by
> 1981 and 0.1 %
> >> >> by around 2003. While a significant proportion of the
> decrease of 4.9
> >> >> % (registered between 1981 and today) can be attributable to
> the
> >> >> political conditions pertaining since 1989-90 (the years that
> Pandits
> >> >> say there were targetted and forced to leave), to what can we
> >> >> attribute the 10 % decline (from 15 % to 5 %) in the Kashmiri
> Pandit
> >> >> population in the Kashmir valley between 1941 and 1981?
> >> >>
> >> >> In those forty years, India's writ ran unchallenged in
> the part of
> >> >> Kashmir held by India,  and the Kashmiri Pandit elite was
> very much
> >> >> part of the governing equation, both in the Kashmir valley,
> as well
> >> >> as in India. Clearly, a significant section from within the
> Kashmiri
> >> >> Pandit population (which was highly educated and considerably
> >> >> affluent) did not, in those forty years care as much for the
> >> >> retention of its cultural ethos in the Kashmir valley as much
> as it
> >> >> did for the betterment of the material prospects of members
> of the
> >> >> Kashmiri Pandit community in metropolitan India and
> elsewhere.
> >> >>
> >> >> In other words, while I totally agree with Kshmendra that we
> are all
> >> >> diminished when a community as culturally and intellectually
> vibrant
> >> >> as the Kashmiri Pandits find themselves virtually effaced
> from their
> >> >> homeland, I do at the same time think that this condition
> requires
> >> >> Kashmiri Pandits today to do some soul searching as to why
> they were
> >> >> so eager to abandon the Kashmir valley in the years between
> 1947 and
> >> >> 1989. Had they stayed on, or retained an interest in the way
> in which
> >> >> the valley was systematically misgoverned, under the aegis of
> the
> >> >> Indian occupation, then perhaps conditions might indeed have
> been
> >> >> different. '
> >> >>
> >> >> I still think that there is hope, no sensible person in
> Kashmir (no
> >> >> matter what their politics or affiliation)  for a single
> moment
> >> >> refuses to recognize that Kashmiri Pandits are part of the
> cultural
> >> >> mosaic of Kashmir. In countless conversations that I have had
> my with
> >> >> who stay in Kashmir, I have heard people state that they
> yearn for
> >> >> the return of all displaced Kashmiri Pandits because Kashmir
> feels
> >> >> incomplete without them. Perhaps a new generation of
> displaced and
> >> >> other Kashmiri Pandits will reciprocate (over the heads of
> Panun
> >> >> Kashmir and Roots in Kashmir) and re-engage with what is
> going on in
> >> >> Kashmir in a spirit of solidarity. For this to happen, there
> needs to
> >> >> be a recognition of the difficulties that everyone in Kashmir
> has
> >> >> faced in the last sixty odd years, and a reversal of the
> cultural,
> >> >> political and demographic abandonment of Kashmir by a section
> of the
> >> >> Kashmiri Pandit elite that began, not in 1989, but much
> earlier.
> >> >>
> >> >> I hope that this helps us clarify the terms on which the
> discussion
> >> >> on internal displacement, and the internally displaced
> Kashmiri
> >> >> Pandits, and the politics of perpetual victimhood can ensure,
> and I
> >> >> hope that the exploitation of a vulgar quantification of pain
> and
> >> >> oppression, which I personally find deeply distasteful, may
> cease on
> >> >> this list. We do not need to prove to each other how much
> worse off
> >> >> we are in our individual capacities in order to develop an
> argument
> >> >> against oppression.
> >> >>
> >> >> regards,
> >> >>
> >> >> Shuddha
> >> >>
> >> >>
> >> >>
> >> >>
> >> >>
> >> >>
> >> >> _________________________________________
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> >>
> >>
> >> --
> >>
> >> http://indersalim.livejournal.com
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-- 
Aditya Raj Kaul

Freelance Correspondent, The Times of India
Cell - +91-9873297834

Campaign Blog: http://kashmiris-in-exile.blogspot.com/
Personal Blog: http://activistsdiary.blogspot.com/